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Asia News Columns World News

Why Muizzu Must Give Up his Leadership in the Maldives?

The true extent of Muizzu’s alleged corruption and the potential implications for the Maldives’ future are perhaps best illustrated by the rift that has emerged between him and his former ally, Abdulla Yameen Abdul Gayoom …. Writes Dr Sakariya Kareem

As the Maldives inches closer to the high-stakes parliamentary elections on April 21st, the nation finds itself at a critical juncture, forced to confront the harsh realities of the ruling Progressive National Congress (PNC) party’s tainted legacy. Under the leadership of the notorious Dr. Muizzu, the PNC has become synonymous with cronyism, corruption, and a flagrant disregard for democratic principles, casting a dark shadow over the nation’s future. The accusations leveled against the PNC paint a disturbing picture of a party that has systematically undermined the principles of meritocracy and good governance. Reports have exposed a troubling trend of PNC officials favoring their own party loyalists for government positions, sidelining qualified candidates from other political affiliations. This blatant nepotism not only stifles the professional growth of capable individuals but also deprives the nation of their invaluable talents and expertise.

Moreover, the PNC’s thirst for power extends far beyond mere political appointments. The party leadership has openly declared its intention to seize control over the nation’s State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), a move that threatens the independence of these crucial economic entities and sets a dangerous precedent for unchecked abuse of power. Compounding this brazen overreach, the PNC has reportedly imposed undue pressure on government staff, demanding that they vote exclusively for party candidates – a gross violation of democratic norms and individual freedoms. Perhaps most alarming are the reports of the PNC’s willingness to deny basic services, such as electricity, to households that do not support their agenda. Such discriminatory practices are not only unethical but also serve to erode the unity and social fabric of the nation, dividing the Maldivian people along political lines and undermining the very foundations of a cohesive society.

At the heart of these transgressions lies a deep-rooted culture of corruption that has permeated the highest echelons of the PNC’s leadership. The party has been embroiled in numerous scandals, from the misappropriation of millions of dollars in dubious drone purchases to significant bribery allegations surrounding the Fushidhiggarufalhu reclamation project. These scandals point to a systemic problem of corruption within the party’s ranks, casting doubt on its commitment to financial integrity and responsible governance. At the center of this maelstrom stands Dr. Muizzu himself, infamously known as “Kazzaab” (the liar) due to his notorious reputation for dishonesty. The gravity of the accusations against him is underscored by the fact that he is currently under investigation by various authorities, including the Maldives Police, the Maldives Monetary Authority’s Financial Intelligence Unit, and the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC). The allegations range from embezzlement and money laundering to the misappropriation of funds and the misuse of corporate vehicles to conceal the origins of ill-gotten gains.

However, the true extent of Muizzu’s alleged corruption and the potential implications for the Maldives’ future are perhaps best illustrated by the rift that has emerged between him and his former ally, Abdulla Yameen Abdul Gayoom. Yameen, who initially endorsed Muizzu’s candidacy for the presidency, has since formed the People’s National Front (PNF) party and has leveled serious allegations against the current government, accusing it of never intending to release him from his politically motivated imprisonment.

The Muizzu government’s desperate and authoritarian attempt to crush Yameen’s newly formed People’s National Front has spectacularly backfired, laying bare the administration’s utter disregard for democratic norms and civil liberties. At a recent PNF rally, Yameen rightfully condemned the regime’s deployment of excessive force, including the appalling use of pepper spray, against his peaceful supporters during the party’s inauguration. This brutal crackdown, motivated solely by Muizzu’s fear of any opposition, inflicted significant self-inflicted political damage by handing the PNF an immense publicity coup before it could even officially take shape. As Yameen pointed out, over 60,000 Maldivians tuned in to witness the government’s repressive tactics, while a mere 25 people showed up for Muizzu’s own rally – a damning indictment of his waning popularity and tenuous grip on power. The disgraced President’s flimsy denial of involvement in this shameful episode only compounds his crisis of credibility and reinforces perceptions of him as an authoritarian despot intolerant of dissent. Muizzu’s utter hypocrisy is further exposed by his refusal to advocate for Yameen’s long-stalled appeal against his politically-motivated jailing, despite previously vowing to prioritize the case – clear proof that his regime never intended to uphold democratic principles or adhere to due process. This sordid affair has irreparably tarnished Muizzu’s reputation and emboldened growing calls for his removal to restore freedom and justice in the Maldives.

Yameen’s unwavering willingness to confront the PNC’s misdeeds head-on have struck a chord with a nation weary of empty promises and self-serving agendas. His call for a boycott of the presidential election, though initially rejected by his former allies, underscores his principled opposition to a system that has been compromised by the very forces he seeks to root out.[3] As the nation prepares to cast its votes, the choice before the Maldivian people is clear: they can either embrace the PNC’s culture of cronyism, corruption, and disregard for democratic norms, or they can rally behind Yameen’s vision of a transparent, accountable government that serves the interests of all its citizens, not just a privileged few.

The stakes in this election could not be higher. A victory for the PNC would not only legitimize the party’s tainted legacy but also embolden those who seek to exploit the nation’s resources for personal gain. It would be a triumph of deceit over integrity, of self-interest over the greater good – a dark path that could irreparably damage the foundations of democracy and good governance in the Maldives. On the other hand, a resounding rejection of the PNC at the polls would send a powerful message that the Maldivian people will no longer tolerate the erosion of their democratic institutions and the pillaging of their nation’s wealth. It would represent a mandate for a government that is truly accountable to its citizens, one that upholds the principles of transparency, meritocracy, and the rule of law – a beacon of hope for a brighter, more just future for all Maldivians.

In this pivotal moment, the nation must ask itself a fundamental question: Do they wish to entrust their future to a party that has repeatedly demonstrated a contempt for democratic values and ethical governance? Or do they wish to chart a new course, one that is guided by the principles of integrity, justice, and an unwavering commitment to the greater good? The answer to this question will echo through the annals of history, shaping the destiny of the Maldives for generations to come. It is a moment that demands courage, resolve, and an unshakable commitment to the ideals upon which any true democracy must be built. As the polling stations open on April 21st, the world watches with bated breath as the Maldivian people make a choice that will define the very soul of their nation. Will they choose the path of deceit and cronyism, or will they embrace a future of transparency and accountability? The fate of the Maldives rests in the hands of its citizens, and their decision will reverberate through the ages – a testament to their resilience, their principles, and their unwavering pursuit of a just and prosperous society for all.

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Asia News Bangladesh World News

DISINFORMATION FROM DHAKA: Towards an Inclusive Solution

The trend gathered steam when the main opposition party, the Bangladesh National Party lost the elections and blamed India for interfering in the elections. The trend was motivated by the anti-India campaign in Maldives that followed PM Modi’s efforts to boost tourism in Lakshadweep … writes  Dr. Shujaat Ali Quadri

In a complex society like South Asia, which is characterized by cultural commonalities and political flashpoints at the same time, disinformation campaigns are increasingly influencing the region. Over the last decade, new regional initiatives and transit corridors are easing travel between India, Bangladesh and Southeast Asia but these efforts could be threatened if India’s neighbourhood remains gullible to online social propaganda targeting a specific nation or community. A recent online trend was in the news in Bangladesh that called for boycotting India and Indian products. Fortunately, the campaign remained limited to social media only and did not spill over to the real world as it could have undermined the bilateral relationship that is leveraging physical connectivity to develop interdependencies.

The trend gathered steam when the main opposition party, the Bangladesh National Party lost the elections and blamed India for interfering in the elections. The trend was motivated by the anti-India campaign in Maldives that followed PM Modi’s efforts to boost tourism in Lakshadweep.

In Bangladesh, both BNP and the Jamaat have a more tech-savvy cadre which also adept at trending political content with the intent to mobilize social media users on anti-India campaigns. A lesser-known fact to both Indian and Bangladeshi people is that the Jamaat has a well-knit international cadre composed of wealthy businessmen and service sector professionals in the West that fuels its manipulation machinery. Several activists mobilizing social media users against India happen to be based in the West. Their access to global newspapers, sophisticated media tools and information networks allows them to legitimize and amplify their opinions irrespective of their credibility. Such acts of intervention, wherein external forces influence domestic public opinion in Bangladesh must be scrutinized by the civil society as they interfere with the the day to day state of affairs.   

The opposition parties of Bangladesh have successfully infiltrated global human rights organisations and advocacy institutions over the past decade, which gives them much-needed international legitimacy. 

The Awami League, despite its successive victories, remains a party of the masses with its core support base in the rural areas of Bangladesh. One of its biggest flaws is its inability to get internationally acknowledged for its role in giving a strong foundation to the economy, its poverty eradication schemes and its commitment to integrate Bangladesh with regional supply chains and infrastructure projects.

The Jamaat/BNP circles on the other hand have tapped the urban sections that predominantly shape the national opinion due to their visibility. The city-dwelling nuclear families, youth and professionals, once disconnected from their social moorings are an easy target for ideological parties like Jamaat to build their legitimacy by convincing its followers about the flaws of democracy. Ties between BNP and Jamaat have indeed frayed over the years and the former considers the Jamaat as an institution with political baggage, their criticism of India and its regional initiatives also puts the region’s collective developmental efforts at stake. Every year, South Asia adds millions of new social media users to its population who are also the primary targets of anti-India campaigns. The content as well as the spread of this trend must be monitored and appropriate response mechanisms must be built that are youth-centric and most importantly inclusive, that is, they should be designed to engage the youth more attractively through informative and impartial content.

(The Author is the Chairman of Muslim Students Organisation of India)

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Asia News PAKISTAN World News

The Baloch people are alienated: Today so are the Pashtuns in Pakistan

Returning to the alienation of Pashtuns it may be mentioned that today they need to carry special travel documents to move across the border which once a free movement zone. Many Pashtuns shared their property; and families lived on both sides of the Durand Line without any problem. Trade across the border was normal. Now all that has changed permanently because the Pakistan Army and its state believe that Pashtuns can no longer be trusted and so a fence has been built all along the Durand Line in the name of security … writes Dr Sakariya Kareem

If there was a moment in Pakistan’s history, when another Bangladesh could occur, it is now. The reasons for this lie in the complete and total alienation of the Pashtuns living in Pakistan. Once seen as the closest ally of Punjabis in Pakistan, the Pashtuns today face deportation and humiliation to a point of no return. The Pakistan Army which they used to serve with great pride, has become the enemy. Like the Baloch people, victims of the Army’s jackboot policy, Pashtuns are out on the streets today to protest and express their anger. No place provides greater evidence of this angst than in the border town of Chaman, where for the past six months, local Pashtuns have been sitting, in protest against Pakistan’s new policy of dividing the Pashtun community spread across the Durand Line. Is this the last straw for the creation of a Pakhtunistan or Pashtoonistan?

Recall also that the Baloch people have been the target of the Pakistani state for several decades now for seeking a more autonomous way of life. For those interested in the current situation, reference is made to the monthly report of Paank, a human rights group of the Baloch National Movement. The report outlines the various human rights abuses committed in Balochistan, including incidents of enforced disappearances, protests by families of missing Baloch individuals for their safe return, and the staged killing of two Baloch individuals previously detained in Karachi. Protests have also occurred in Pasni for Abdul Raziq; in Daki Bazar, Kech, for Shoaib Ahmed and Balach; in Jhao, Awaran, for Tahir Baloch and Zafar Akbar; and in Mastung against the enforced disappearance of Ameer Hamza, where protestors blocked the Quetta-Karachi highway.

Returning to the alienation of Pashtuns it may be mentioned that today they need to carry special travel documents to move across the border which once a free movement zone. Many Pashtuns shared their property; and families lived on both sides of the Durand Line without any problem. Trade across the border was normal. Now all that has changed permanently because the Pakistan Army and its state believe that Pashtuns can no longer be trusted and so a fence has been built all along the Durand Line in the name of security.  The distrust became sharper during the recent elections in which the Army carried out a systematic campaign to oust popular leaders like Mohsin Dawar through targeted attacks and the manipulation of the poll process. Officially, the winner in the North Waziristan NA-50 constituency was Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl (JUIF) candidate Mufti Misbahuddin. However, he was declared winner four days after the elections, a telling sign of the Army’s duplicitous games.

The PTI-backed independent candidate Aurangzeb Khan was the runner-up with 33,852 votes while Mohsin Dawar, National Democratic Movement’s candidate secured the third place with a close 32,768 votes. A firing inci­dent occurred during a protest by NDM workers against the de­lay in election results in North Wa­ziristan, resulting in the deaths of two individuals and injuries to six others, including NDM Chairman Mohsin Dawar. To ensure that the Pakistan Army’s candidate was declared winner in any case, pliable government staff were posted as presiding officers to stage-manage the results. Primary schools which were declared as polling centres, had two rooms combined as polling stations for both male and female voters. This ensured that women did not come to vote. Even where these measures failed, the polling staff were taken to the nearest Army and Frontier Corps barracks and forced to sign blank Form 45, which is the document used to officially declare the election result. There could be no better word for this than ‘rigging’.

Thousands rally in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa demanding durable peace.(Photo :facebook.com/PashtunTM)

Back in Balochistan, the March 2024 Paank report raises serious concerns about the rise in enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings. March 2024 saw 24 cases of enforced disappearances, with 21 individuals returning home from detention. However, two men picked up by security forces in Karachi were killed in a staged encounter, and their bodies were discarded. Pakistani security forces abducted two men from Karachi’s Lyari area on 15-17 August 2023. Identified as Zaman Baloch and Shoaib Ali, they were later killed in a staged encounter near Manghopir’s Northern Bypass, falsely claimed as an armed confrontation. Paank said its workers reached out to the families of the deceased, who were assured by the Sindh Police of their return before Eid. Tragically, the families only received their bodies riddled with bullets. The report concludes that the figures on social media about Baloch missing persons and enforced disappearances only show a fraction of the reality.

It is well known that the Pakistani state has used enforced disappearances as a tool to suppress Baloch resistance. This practice has intensified over the past two decades, targeting educated Baloch youth, the Paank report said. The report also details various protests and demonstrations by families of missing persons. It recalls the case of Abdul Raziq Baloch from Surab, who was returned 16 hours after his disappearance. This happened after his family and the public blocked a highway in protest. However, Khudadad Siraj, a medical student remains missing, despite his family and peers’ protesting for his safe release. The list of those who have disappeared is never-ending and, it is likely, there will be more to come.  Enforced disappearances and staged encounters exacerbated the climate of fear and terror in Balochistan.

Families have been protesting in Kech, Gwadar, Jhaoo, Surab, and Mastung for the safe release of their relatives. Despite these protests and international condemnation from human rights groups, the Pakistani state’s stance remains unchanged, Paank observed. The unrepresented psychological and mental anguish of thousands of families affected by these disappearances remains untold. Paank highlights the plight of Baloch missing persons, and states they are subjected to long-term confinement and torture. A few are eventually released, but they often suffer from mental trauma. Pertinently, the State continues to exert control over their thought processes even after their release. Consequently, these individuals are compelled to choose between self-exile or apathy towards the suffering. It is precisely this apathy that is today the bane of the Pashtuns too.

Since the announcement of the election results in North Waziristan, protests have erupted, and in clashes with the police, two persons were killed and, six others narrowly escaped being assassinated. Blatant manipulation in the February elections was really the last straw, leaving Pashtuns angry and disheartened. Pakistan has just added a few more million disgruntled citizens on the streets in protest. Adding fuel to the fire is the plight of the Baloch people, who seem to get no respite. In a real sense, societal alienation in Pakistan has intensified with the Pashtun seeking ways to get redressal of their grievances, knowing fully well that the Pakistani state has no longer any trust in the community.

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Arab News Asia News World News

TTP, Sunni groups target Shias in Gilgit Baltistan

Terrorist group Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and other Sunni groups are planning to carry out suicide attacks against the Shias in Gilgit Baltistan. Many believe that such attacks are carried out with the complicity of the state security agencies. There are reports of four suicide bombers given the task to re-enact the 1988 Gilgit massacre … writes Dr Sakariya Kareem

Several thousand Shias in Gilgit Baltistan are living under constant dread, fearing unprovoked attacks from Sunni groups and the state’s complicity with such groups to suppress the Shias in the mountainous region.

The region was once dominated by the Shias, the only region other than Iran. But in the past few decades, Pakistan state, especially its army, has been engaged in a demographic war, harassing, killing and frightening Shias to such an extent that Shias are today in the minority. The bloodletting has not stopped even now. Every festival, Shias have to look over their shoulder to save themselves from terrorist attacks or targeted killings, at the behest of the army.

This time around, during Ramzan and Eid, Shias fear another round of killing and harassment.

There is a great fear that terrorist groups like Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) are planning to carry out suicide attacks against the Shias. Many believe that such attacks are carried out with the complicity of the state security agencies. There are reports of four suicide bombers given the task to re-enact the 1988 Gilgit massacre.

The hand of the security agencies in the killings is seen in the involvement of extremist Sunni groups like Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Anjuman Sipah-e-Sahaba and many of their offshoots which have been targeting the Shias since the Zia-ul-Haq days. The worst Shia massacre happened in 1988.

In May 1988, during the Eid festival, local Shias decided to hold the festivities before the Sunnis which caused a dispute which soon turned into arson and killing. The Pakistan army sent an armed group of Sunni tribals accompanied by militants from Afghanistan led by Osama bin Laden causing mayhem in the region, killing over 900 Shias in the massacre.

Although the federal government has also issued a grave warning, local Shia population has no faith in the government. They are today living under constant fear. The Shias have been asked to be extra vigilant during the Friday and Eid prayers.

The distrust between the government and Shias has been brewing since last year when a Shia cleric was arrested under trumped-up blasphemy charges. The protests raged for days with the people shouting “Chalo, chalo Kargil chalo” (let us go to Kargil). The cleric, Agha Baqir al-Hussaini, is a popular leader of the Shias and his arrest angered the community which blocked the Karakoram Highway to demand his release.

In August 2012, about 25 Shias were pulled out a bus and shot in a sectarian attack. The same year, on February 28, gunmen in military fatigues threw 18 Shias from buses travelling from Rawalpindi to Gilgit, shooting them dead in cold blood. On April 3, a Sunni Muslim mob dragged nine Shia Muslims from buses and also shot them dead in the town of Chilas, about 60 miles south of Gilgit.

Even after several killings, the state has failed to provide adequate security for the safety of the Shias in Gilgit Baltistan. There is only one reason for this callous indifference: Sunni Pakistan wants to convert the region into a Sunni-dominated region.

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Arab News Asia News PAKISTAN

Pakistan Army doing a ‘Balochistan’ in Pashtun-majority areas

Once considered the closest allies of Punjabi Pakistan, the Pashtuns today face deportation and humiliation for no fault of their own. The army, which they used to serve with great pride, has become the enemy. Like the Baloch, victims of the army’s jackboot policy for decades, the Pashtuns are on the streets to protest and express their anger … writes Dr Sakariya Kareem

The Pakistan Army is now set up on demolishing the great Pashtun community by killing many of the young leaders under the guise of counter-terrorism since 2001, then calling the protesting Pashtuns as enemies and now snatching their only right to a just share in federal politics by intimidation and manipulation of the election process. They are repeating a Balochistan in Pashtun-dominated tribal areas.

The anger against the army has been growing for years in these areas abutting the controversial Durand Line. Millions of Pashtuns live on either side of the disputed border with Pashtuns refusing to accept the British-drawn boundary line, cutting through their community. Scores of them have homes and hearth on both sides of the border. Many cross and return across the border for trade, family functions and other daily rituals. For the past two years, everything has changed.

Pashtuns have been dubbed as foreigners. They need travel documents to live and move about in their homeland. Trades have stopped. Family ties are broken. There is mounting anger among the Pashtuns who had been nursing a grouse since 2001 when their homes were bombed and they were uprooted in the name of counter-terrorist operations conducted by the Pakistan Army on behalf of the United States.

Balochistan rocked by Pashtun and Baloch protests.(photo:IN)

Once considered the closest allies of Punjabi Pakistan, the Pashtuns today face deportation and humiliation for no fault of their own. The army, which they used to serve with great pride, has become the enemy. Like the Baloch, victims of the army’s jackboot policy for decades, the Pashtuns are on the streets to protest and express their anger.

There is no place more telling about the Pashtun anger than the border town of Chaman, where for the past six months the local Pashtuns have been sitting on protest against Pakistan’s new policy of dividing the Pashtun community spread across the border. The Pashtuns now need special travel documents to move across the border which once was merely a walk across the border. Many of the Pashtuns shared the border in their property; families lived on both sides of the Durand Line without any hitch; trade across the border was normal. Now all that has changed permanently because the Pakistan Army and its state believe that Pashtuns can no longer be trusted.

The distrust between the army and the community became sharper during the recent elections in which the army carried out a systematic campaign to oust popular leaders like Mohsin Dawar through targeted attacks and manipulation of the poll process during the recent elections.

How the election results were declared showed the brazen manner in which the army manipulated the results. The winner was Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl (JUIF) candidate Mufti Misbahuddin. He was declared winner four days after the elections, a telling sign of the army’s duplicitous games during the elections.

In the protests since then, two persons have been killed and six others have escaped assassination attempts by a thread. When the killings and targeted attacks on Pashtun leaders failed, the army posted pliable government staff as presiding officers so that the election process and results could be managed without fail. The next step was to declare primary schools, often two rooms, as combined polling stations for both male and female voters, a clever ploy to prevent women from voting. Even when these measures failed, the polling staff in some areas were taken to the nearest army and Frontier Corps barracks and they were forced to sign blank Form 45.

These blatant manipulations in the February elections have been like the last straws on the back of the already burdened camel, leaving Pashtuns angry and disheartened. Pakistan has added a few more million disgruntled citizens on the streets in protest.

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Asia News PAKISTAN World News

$62 BILLION INVESTMENT AT STAKE: Challenges for China in Pakistan

China’s substantial investment of $62 billion in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) underscores the strategic significance of the relationship between the two nations. The recent attack on Chinese nationals in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) underscores the vulnerability of the security architecture in Pakistan… writes Sanchita Bhattacharya

The recent attack on Chinese nationals in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) underscores the vulnerability of the security architecture in Pakistan, which poses a threat to its strategic alliance with China in the context of the highly anticipated China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) project. The latest attack followed several prior incidents targeting Chinese citizens across Pakistan, raising serious concerns about the safety and security of foreign nationals working on big-ticket infrastructure projects. The repercussions of such attacks go beyond immediate casualties, leading to project disruptions, diplomatic strains, and economic setbacks.

During ten days from March 16 to March 26, Pakistan experienced five separate attacks, three in the north-western Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province and two in the southwestern Balochistan province, which resulted in the tragic deaths of at least 18 people, including 12 military personnel, five Chinese nationals, and one Pakistani citizen. These highlight the severity of the security threats faced by Pakistan and the inadequacy of its security establishment. The attacks targeted Chinese interests, highlighting a new chapter in Pakistan’s struggle against armed groups.

In the restive province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) five Chinese nationals and their Pakistani driver were killed in the latest explosion in the Bisham area of Shangla district on March 26. An explosives-laden vehicle rammed into a convoy of Chinese engineers in transit from Islamabad to their camp in Dasu in KP.

After every such attack, Beijing usually warns Islamabad of serious penalties if the culprits of the attacks are not identified and punished. This time also, in a statement, the Chinese Embassy strongly condemned the terrorist attack. “The Chinese Embassy and Consulates General in Pakistan strongly condemn this terrorist attack, express deep condolences to the victims and sincere sympathy to the bereaved families, and are making every effort to handle the aftermath together with the Pakistani side,” it said. This time, however, Beijing has also called for a thorough investigation into the attacks, stressing the necessity of protecting Chinese interests in Pakistan. In response, the Pakistani government has committed to holding the culprits accountable and implementing measures to ensure the safety of Chinese nationals and projects.

China’s substantial investment of $62 billion in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) underscores the strategic significance of the relationship between the two nations.

This is not the first attack on Chinese citizens working inside Pakistan. Earlier, In August 2023, a Chinese envoy in Gwadar, Balochistan came under attack, although no one was hurt. In 2022, three Chinese teachers and their Pakistani driver fell victim to an explosion in Karachi, Sindh. Similarly, in July 2021 also, tragedy struck when nine Chinese nationals and four Pakistanis lost their lives, with around two dozen others sustaining injuries, in a shuttle bus explosion in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP). These incidents serve as stark reminders of the persistent threats and risks associated with working on critical projects like the CPEC. They not only result in tragic loss of life but also disrupt essential infrastructure projects, strain diplomatic relations, and create an atmosphere of fear and uncertainty for foreign investors and workers.

The March 26 attack in the north was not claimed by any terror or militant group. The substantial escalation of threats has led to a reassessment of the safety of Chinese nationals living and working in Pakistan. For example, the March 26 assault in Bisham has resulted in the suspension of work on the Dasu and Diamer-Bhasha dams. There are concerns that 991 Chinese engineers may be planning to leave Pakistan. This trend of departure among Chinese nationals was earlier observed in April 2022, when 40 Chinese teachers left Pakistan in the wake of a violent incident at the Karachi University.

Unfortunately, despite repeated warnings, the Pakistan army seems to be unsuccessful in combating the terror attacks against the Chinese nationals. China’s frustration with Islamabad over repeated terror attacks on CPEC projects is evident. Besides cutting down on the proposed investment, and Chinese leaving Pakistan, Beijing has declined to include cooperation in the areas of climate change, energy, and water management, under the CPEC projects. Pakistan’s proposal for cooperation in cross-border tourism in Gilgit-Baltistan, KP, and coastal tourism, as well as the setting up a new Joint Working Group (JWG) and the inclusion of a 500kv transmission line from Hub to Gwadar to link the seaport city with the national grid, were all rejected by China.

Even though CPEC remains a lynchpin of Beijing’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), it would be a mistake for the Pakistani establishment to perceive the attacks as merely a security issue. They point to the broader vulnerability of Pakistan’s political-economy. Pakistan’s security issues, oscillating from its never-ending skirmishes with Afghanistan and the Baloch unrest in the west, require more than just a military response.

Pakistan’s leadership has placed a disproportionately high importance on CPEC projects. The dependence on China, along with its protracted financial crisis, has made Pakistan more susceptible on numerous other fronts.

The resurgence of violent incidents coinciding with the Afghan Taliban’s return to power and the involvement of assorted radical groups illustrate the multifaceted security challenges faced by Pakistan.

The persistent grievances in Balochistan against structural poverty and relentless resource extraction without any development in return have been studiously ignored. Addressing these issues requires prioritizing development, welfare, and local participation in decision-making processes in Balochistan. Failure to do so will only continue to hinder economic progress and security in the region.

The unclaimed attack in KP adds complexity to the security scenario, which underscores the multifaceted nature of security challenges faced by Pakistan. Addressing these challenges requires a comprehensive and multifaceted security strategy that goes beyond military responses. It necessitates enhanced intelligence-sharing mechanisms, robust border security, community engagement, infrastructure protection, and diplomatic collaboration. Moreover, public awareness and understanding of the importance of foreign investments and bilateral cooperation are crucial in fostering a conducive environment for economic growth and regional connectivity.

The collaboration between Chinese and Pakistani authorities in investigating the attacks and implementing security measures reflects a shared commitment to safeguarding mutual interests. However, sustained efforts and proactive measures are essential to mitigate security threats, promote stability, and protect foreign investments and personnel in Pakistan.

In conclusion, the recent attacks on Chinese nationals in Pakistan serve as a stark reminder of the complex security challenges confronting the nation. Pakistan must prioritize security and adopt a comprehensive approach to ensure the safety of foreign nationals, protect critical infrastructure, and preserve bilateral relations with key allies like China. Only through concerted efforts and effective strategies can Pakistan navigate these challenges effectively.

(Dr. Sanchita Bhattachayra is an eminent scholar of International Relations. She has been working on Pakistan for over a decade)

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Arab News Asia News World News

The Pakistan link to the ISKP Moscow terror attack

ISKP has in recent times become the recruitment ground for fighters from Central Asia and in 2022, it was estimated that the group had a strength of 1500 to 4000 fighters, many of whom were of Uzbek, Tajik and Kazakh origin. Recall that many members of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) had originally pledged its loyalty to ISIS Central in 2015, thus signalling Central Asia as a fertile recruiting ground and ISIS target … writes Dr Sakariya Kareem

An Islamic State terror attack occurred at the Crocus City Hall music venue in Krasnogorsk, Moscow Oblast, Russia on 22 March 2024. Four gunmen carried out a mass shooting, as well as slashing attacks on the people gathered at the venue, and used incendiary devices to set the venue on fire. The Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP), an Afghanistan-based affiliate of the Islamic State, claimed responsibility for the attack in a statement through the IS-affiliated Amaq News Agency.

Amaq also published a video filmed by one of the attackers. It showed the attackers shooting victims and slitting the throat of a victim, while the filming attacker was reciting the takbir, praising God and speaking against infidels. Pertinently, the US subsequently claimed that it had warned Russia eighteen days in advance of the Moscow concert hall assault of a possible attack involving religious extremists from Pakistan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. The US warning, as it were, is a stark reminder of the dubious role played by Pakistan and its intelligence agencies in creating and nurturing scores of terrorist organizations in the past several decades, including the ISKP. The impact of this terrorist infrastructure is today thus being felt globally.

As stated earlier, the ISKP was founded by a breakaway faction of the TTP in 2014. However, last year evidence arose of how Pakistan’s ISI had funded the ISKP. A former senior Islamic State leader publicly acknowledged that the terrorist organization was, and may still be, financed by Pakistan. Sheikh Abdul Rahim Muslimdost who was interviewed by the pro-Taliban media outlet “al-Mersaad” about how the ISKP was financed, Muslimdost claimed that it received money both from the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq and, from Pakistan.

RUSSIA-MOSCOW-CONCERT VENUE-SHOOTING

It also supported itself by kidnapping victims for ransoms in various countries. Muslimdost also stated that financing from Pakistan has continued to this day. In the interview, circulated on Twitter by the Afghanistan Analysts Network, Muslimdost said that initially (in 2015) the Lashkar-e-Tayyiba (LeT) had provided 50 lakh Pakistani rupees to the ISKP.
When asked how the fact that the ISKP received money from Pakistan was compatible with the fact that the terrorist group attacked the Pakistani Embassy in Kabul on 9 December 2022, Muslimdost said that it was a false flag attack, “theatre” aimed precisely at denying rumours that the group was supported by Pakistan. “The Pak Embassy attack in Kabul was just a #Drama. Nothing happened to the Ambassador. Just a bodyguard was injured,” Muslimdost said. Muslimdost was a prominent member of the ISKP, a branch of the Islamic State (Daesh) active in Afghanistan, India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Myanmar, until 2015, when he dissociated himself from the organization. In fact, he was one of its founders.
Pertinently, just as the US intercepted communications of the Moscow attack in advance, it also claimed that it intercepted communications confirming that the ISKP was preparing to carry out Kerman city attack in Iran in January 2024 which killed nearly 100 people. The ISKP later claimed responsibility for the Kerman attacks. The ISKP also claimed responsibility for the 2021 attacks outside Kabul airport that left at least 175 civilians dead, including 13 US soldiers. The ISIS affiliate was previously blamed for carrying out a bloody attack on a maternity ward in Kabul in May 2020 that killed 24 people, including women and infants. In November 2020, the group carried out an attack on Kabul University, killing at least 22 teachers and students. In September 2022, the group took responsibility for a deadly suicide bombing at the Russian Embassy in Kabul, a reminder that ISKP was prepared to target Russia for its perceived closeness to the Afghan Taliban.

Last year, Iran blamed the group for two separate attacks on a major shrine in southern Shiraz, the Shah Cheragh, which killed at least 14 people and injured more than 40.
ISKP has in recent times become the recruitment ground for fighters from Central Asia and in 2022, it was estimated that the group had a strength of 1500 to 4000 fighters, many of whom were of Uzbek, Tajik and Kazakh origin. Recall that many members of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) had originally pledged its loyalty to ISIS Central in 2015, thus signalling Central Asia as a fertile recruiting ground and ISIS target. The linkages between ISKP and other terror groups, as also with the Pakistan’s ISI are well known. With decades of experience in manipulating and managing the contradictions and conflicts between various terror organisations and using them to advance the agenda of the Pakistani state, the ISI used the ISKP to weaken the TTP inside Pakistan and target the Afghan Taliban inside Afghanistan. The whole Taliban-vs-ISKP narrative in fact is a creation of the Pakistani deep state.

Ehsanullah Ehsan, a former TTP spokesperson revealed (December 2023) the existence of the ‘Dabori Agreement’ between the ISI and ISKP, which ensured that the latter only targeted the Afghan Taliban and did not attack the Pakistan Army. Ehsan also listed the names of several ISKP leaders who were living in ISI safe houses in Pakistan. The ISI in fact penetrated the ISKP also by sending many LeT cadres to the ISKP with a view to manipulating the ISIS affiliate. The Pakistan-ISKP connection was also exposed with the obvious linkages between some ISKP commanders and Pak deep state. For instance, Afghanistan-based militant commander Abdul Rahim Dost, a former ISKP religious head, was arrested after 9/11 and Pakistan freed him a few years later.

This nexus was also exposed through Ismail Punjabi, who worked with the LeT in the planning of the Mumbai 26/11 terror attack. He had joined the Al Qaeda and then switched over to ISKP in 2015. He was killed the following year. In July 2019, Huzaifa Al Bakistani, belonging to Nangarhar province in eastern Afghanistan, was killed in a drone strike along with nine other associates. He, too, was an ex-LeT member. Huzaifa was the son-in-law of Aijaz Ahmad Ahangar alias Abu Usman al Kashmiri, who had also joined the ISKP. He was an ex-leader of Pakistan-backed groups Tehreek-ul-Mujahideen and Harkat-ul-Mujahideen. Ahangar, 55, had been arrested in a raid along with ISKP chief Aslam Farooqi and 20 others from Kandahar province. Ahangar is the son-in-law of Abdul Gani Dar alias Abdullah Ghazali, former chief of the TuM and an LeT commander.

That Pakistan continues to be the epicentre of the global terrorism and is involved in the promotion of transnational terror was recently evident in the remarks made by Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement member Fazal-ur-Rehman Afridi who indicated that there is a link between the Moscow terror attack and the recent attack in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s Shangla district, in which five Chinese nationals were killed. He says, “It (such attacks) will not stop until or unless Pakistanis are made accountable for their actions. And whatever is happening, it’s through the proxies of Pakistan and the terrorists trained in the Pakistani training camp, especially the ISIS.” The reality of the Pakistan deep state thus stands exposed.

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Rise in blasphemy cases amidst Pakistan’s increasing radicalisation

Since 1990, at least 65 people have been lynched on false blasphemy charges across the country. Several dozens men and women remain on death row. Last year, 330 people were accused of blasphemy in 180 cases. In Punjab, there are 587 prisoners in various jails, of these 515 are under trial, including 508 male, six female, and one juvenile prisoner, all charged with blasphemy … A special report on Pakistan’s blasphemy cases by Dr Sakariya Kareem

A mentally disturbed woman was falsely charged and sentenced to life imprisonment under draconian blasphemy law in Pakistan in the latest in a series of punishments meted out by the state against women, minorities and other deprived sections of the society.

The woman, accused of burning pages of the Quran, strongly refused to dishonour the holy book but the judge was adamant to believe the prosecution story despite several flaws. The foremost being that the complainant was the local police which was not present at the time of alleged incident. A neighbour had complained to the police but was not listed as the complainant.

In March 2024, two students, aged 17 and 22, were given life imprisonment for sharing an alleged blasphemous media on WhatsApp. Both the youngsters denied the charges but the judge was not inclined to believe them, as always.

A month earlier, in February, a tiny ray of hope came in the form of the Supreme Court Chief Justice setting an Ahmadi man free in a blasphemy case. There was a sudden outburst of protest among the Sunni community. The fire was stoked by extremist group, Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) which took to the streets in different parts of Pakistan against the Chief Justice. In several madrasas across Punjab, protest meetings were held where threats were issued to the Chief Justice.

The protests spread like wildfire across the country–Ahmadi places of worship were demolished in Karachi, in Bahawalpur, an Ahmadi leader was shot, in Kotli graves were destroyed and in Faisalabad, a protest was organised outside the biggest hospital. A year ago, a rampaging mob, led by TLP leaders, had torched several churches, Christian homes and shops in Punjab over false blasphemy charges. The two of the accused have since been released from charges.

One recent incident summed up the vicious atmosphere in Pakistan. In Lahore’s Ichhra market, one young woman came out to shop when she was surrounded by shouting, aggressive men. Her fault was that she wore a dress with Arabic notings printed on it. The mob accused her of blasphemy although the word had a connection with Islam. The horrified woman could have been lynched there and then but for a brave young woman police officer who confronted the mob and took the girl away to safety.

She could have become just another statistic–the number of persons killed in blasphemy cases. Since 1990, at least 65 people have been lynched on false blasphemy charges across the country. Several dozen men and women remain on death row. Last year, 330 people were accused of blasphemy in 180 cases. In Punjab, there are 587 prisoners in various jails, of these 515 are under trial, including 508 males, six females, and one juvenile prisoner, all charged with blasphemy.

Between 1987 and 2023, over 2,449 people had been accused of blasphemy–the highest number of accused were 1,279 Muslims, followed by 782 Ahmadis. The highest number of cases (1770) were reported in Punjab (72%).

The state is not merely a spectator in this morbid game. It is complicit, an active partner in enforcing a series of laws that favour false accusations and put innocents on the gallows. Or being lynched or shot as former Punjab Governor Salman Taseer had been. He was killed by his bodyguard who blamed him for supporting a Christian woman, Asia Bibi, accused of blasphemy. His death led to the birth of TLP, an extremist group which the state has been using to punish minorities for raising their voice against injustice in a country which is increasingly becoming a radical Islamist state.

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BALOCHISTAN: International Community urged to Intervene

During a press conference at the Geneva Press Club, Dr. Naseem Baloch, Chairman of the Baloch National Movement (BNM), urgently appealed to the international community for intervention in Balochistan. Addressing journalists, he shed light on the significant challenges faced by the Baloch nation and called on the United Nations to champion their cause.

Dr. Baloch emphasized the dire need to end systematic injustices and violations against the Baloch people, stressing that global attention is crucial for their plea of freedom and justice to be acknowledged and acted upon. He highlighted Balochistan’s rich cultural heritage, marked by resilience and a longstanding struggle for self-determination.

Providing historical context, Dr. Baloch mentioned the 1947 declaration of Balochistan’s independence, followed by its occupation by Pakistan in 1948. He underscored the continuous resistance of the Baloch nation against this illegal invasion and brought attention to severe human rights violations, including enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, and torture.

Expressing grave concerns over enforced disappearances and mass graves, he condemned the Counter-Terrorism Department’s involvement in fake encounters, perpetuating a cycle of injustice and violence against innocent Baloch civilians. He also highlighted the media blackout in Balochistan, emphasizing the need for international intervention to address human rights violations.

Dr. Naseem Baloch

Jamal Baloch, media coordinator of the Paank, Baloch National Movement’s Human Rights Department highlighted the issue of continued disappearance and the torture inflicted upon the families of the victim. He emphasized how consistent threats, harassment, and physical violence are some of the many ways used by the state to spread terror in the minds of the innocent Baloch. If the victim or his family refuse to comply, then he /she becomes the target of fake encounters.

Karlos Zurutuza, international journalist when questioned about the loss of life and territory in Balochistan, shed light on the resource-rich land which is still under the atrocious regime of the state. Lack of basic amenities to the residents despite being the richest province of Pakistan is what calls for attention. He also highlighted the plight of journalists who are either abducted or suppressed by the agencies to refrain them from covering the ground reality.

Dr. Naseem concluded the press conference by calling for collective action against Pakistan in favor of Balochistan, expressing hope that their plea would resonate globally. The conference was part of BNM’s three-day advocacy initiative during the 55th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva.

The campaign began on March 11, 2024, with BNM’s 4th International Conference on Balochistan at the Geneva Press Club. Distinguished personalities conveyed their perspectives, extending sympathy and unwavering support for the Baloch nation. The momentum will continue with events at Broken Chair over the next two days as part of the ongoing campaign.

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Asia News PAKISTAN World News

Terror stalks Hindu community in Sindh

Pakistan, over the years, has made the law against blasphemy so retrogressive that more often than not people charge others, especially minorities, of blasphemy for revenge, taking over property or forcibly marry… writes Dr Sakariya Kareem

In Sindh, Pakistan, the Hindu community lives under constant fear of being accused of blasphemy by radical Muslims and extremist groups like Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), all of which enjoy patronage from the Islamic state.

Even for those who have been discharged by the court for being wrongly accused of blasphemy, there is constant danger of being lynched.

Take the case of Notan Lal, Principal of a private school and a resident of Ghotki, Sindh. In 2019, some of his students accused him of blasphemy. It was not an ordinary accusation–the charges would lead to life imprisonment or even a death sentence under the most heinous penal clauses in the world. Pakistan, over the years, has made the law against blasphemy so retrogressive that more often than not people charge others, especially minorities, of blasphemy for revenge, taking over property or forcibly marrying.

Notan Lal’s case triggered an orgy of violence in Ghotki. Hindu temples were razed. Hindu families were attacked and driven to fear. The school where Notan Lal worked was attacked by arsonists. The attack against Hindus was led by Mian Mithoo, an influential Sunni leader who have been accused of promoting forcible abduction, rape, conversion and marriage of young Hindu girls. A fact-finding committee, appointed by the Ministry of Human Rights, concluded that the attacks on temples and riots were premeditated, politically motivated and had tacit political support. In 2022, Notan Lal, a father of four children, was sentenced to life.

Early this month, a High Court judge threw out the case against the Hindu teacher on the grounds of the case was being investigated shoddily and prosecution failures to produce material witnesses to prove the charges against the teacher.

Back at home, Notan Lal and their family are haunted by an equally deep rooted fear of being attacked by militant groups. The local community wants security for Lal. They fear that powerful Sunni groups could either frame him on trumped-up charges or kill him brutally.

Such fears are widespread in the Hindu community in Sindh. In Kandiyari Sanghar for instance, a woman and her three children were abducted. The main accused is an influential cleric in the region, Maulvi Mula Baksh. Her husband has been trying his best to file a criminal complaint but without any success so far. The police, as often in cases of atrocities against Hindus, are doing everything possible to fudge the case.

Members of the Bheel community in Sindh have also been protesting for long against forced acquisition of their land by local Muslim communities. Their houses have been demolished or burnt by marauding Muslim locals. The community lives under constant fear.

The fear stalks Hindus elsewhere too in Sindh. Young girls and women, even married, constantly face harassment from Muslim men; many of them are abducted, raped and forced to convert before being forcibly married. Police, judiciary and political authorities are equally complicit in these heinous crimes.