Category: Columns

Categories
Asia News Columns World News

Why Muizzu Must Give Up his Leadership in the Maldives?

The true extent of Muizzu’s alleged corruption and the potential implications for the Maldives’ future are perhaps best illustrated by the rift that has emerged between him and his former ally, Abdulla Yameen Abdul Gayoom …. Writes Dr Sakariya Kareem

As the Maldives inches closer to the high-stakes parliamentary elections on April 21st, the nation finds itself at a critical juncture, forced to confront the harsh realities of the ruling Progressive National Congress (PNC) party’s tainted legacy. Under the leadership of the notorious Dr. Muizzu, the PNC has become synonymous with cronyism, corruption, and a flagrant disregard for democratic principles, casting a dark shadow over the nation’s future. The accusations leveled against the PNC paint a disturbing picture of a party that has systematically undermined the principles of meritocracy and good governance. Reports have exposed a troubling trend of PNC officials favoring their own party loyalists for government positions, sidelining qualified candidates from other political affiliations. This blatant nepotism not only stifles the professional growth of capable individuals but also deprives the nation of their invaluable talents and expertise.

Moreover, the PNC’s thirst for power extends far beyond mere political appointments. The party leadership has openly declared its intention to seize control over the nation’s State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), a move that threatens the independence of these crucial economic entities and sets a dangerous precedent for unchecked abuse of power. Compounding this brazen overreach, the PNC has reportedly imposed undue pressure on government staff, demanding that they vote exclusively for party candidates – a gross violation of democratic norms and individual freedoms. Perhaps most alarming are the reports of the PNC’s willingness to deny basic services, such as electricity, to households that do not support their agenda. Such discriminatory practices are not only unethical but also serve to erode the unity and social fabric of the nation, dividing the Maldivian people along political lines and undermining the very foundations of a cohesive society.

At the heart of these transgressions lies a deep-rooted culture of corruption that has permeated the highest echelons of the PNC’s leadership. The party has been embroiled in numerous scandals, from the misappropriation of millions of dollars in dubious drone purchases to significant bribery allegations surrounding the Fushidhiggarufalhu reclamation project. These scandals point to a systemic problem of corruption within the party’s ranks, casting doubt on its commitment to financial integrity and responsible governance. At the center of this maelstrom stands Dr. Muizzu himself, infamously known as “Kazzaab” (the liar) due to his notorious reputation for dishonesty. The gravity of the accusations against him is underscored by the fact that he is currently under investigation by various authorities, including the Maldives Police, the Maldives Monetary Authority’s Financial Intelligence Unit, and the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC). The allegations range from embezzlement and money laundering to the misappropriation of funds and the misuse of corporate vehicles to conceal the origins of ill-gotten gains.

However, the true extent of Muizzu’s alleged corruption and the potential implications for the Maldives’ future are perhaps best illustrated by the rift that has emerged between him and his former ally, Abdulla Yameen Abdul Gayoom. Yameen, who initially endorsed Muizzu’s candidacy for the presidency, has since formed the People’s National Front (PNF) party and has leveled serious allegations against the current government, accusing it of never intending to release him from his politically motivated imprisonment.

The Muizzu government’s desperate and authoritarian attempt to crush Yameen’s newly formed People’s National Front has spectacularly backfired, laying bare the administration’s utter disregard for democratic norms and civil liberties. At a recent PNF rally, Yameen rightfully condemned the regime’s deployment of excessive force, including the appalling use of pepper spray, against his peaceful supporters during the party’s inauguration. This brutal crackdown, motivated solely by Muizzu’s fear of any opposition, inflicted significant self-inflicted political damage by handing the PNF an immense publicity coup before it could even officially take shape. As Yameen pointed out, over 60,000 Maldivians tuned in to witness the government’s repressive tactics, while a mere 25 people showed up for Muizzu’s own rally – a damning indictment of his waning popularity and tenuous grip on power. The disgraced President’s flimsy denial of involvement in this shameful episode only compounds his crisis of credibility and reinforces perceptions of him as an authoritarian despot intolerant of dissent. Muizzu’s utter hypocrisy is further exposed by his refusal to advocate for Yameen’s long-stalled appeal against his politically-motivated jailing, despite previously vowing to prioritize the case – clear proof that his regime never intended to uphold democratic principles or adhere to due process. This sordid affair has irreparably tarnished Muizzu’s reputation and emboldened growing calls for his removal to restore freedom and justice in the Maldives.

Yameen’s unwavering willingness to confront the PNC’s misdeeds head-on have struck a chord with a nation weary of empty promises and self-serving agendas. His call for a boycott of the presidential election, though initially rejected by his former allies, underscores his principled opposition to a system that has been compromised by the very forces he seeks to root out.[3] As the nation prepares to cast its votes, the choice before the Maldivian people is clear: they can either embrace the PNC’s culture of cronyism, corruption, and disregard for democratic norms, or they can rally behind Yameen’s vision of a transparent, accountable government that serves the interests of all its citizens, not just a privileged few.

The stakes in this election could not be higher. A victory for the PNC would not only legitimize the party’s tainted legacy but also embolden those who seek to exploit the nation’s resources for personal gain. It would be a triumph of deceit over integrity, of self-interest over the greater good – a dark path that could irreparably damage the foundations of democracy and good governance in the Maldives. On the other hand, a resounding rejection of the PNC at the polls would send a powerful message that the Maldivian people will no longer tolerate the erosion of their democratic institutions and the pillaging of their nation’s wealth. It would represent a mandate for a government that is truly accountable to its citizens, one that upholds the principles of transparency, meritocracy, and the rule of law – a beacon of hope for a brighter, more just future for all Maldivians.

In this pivotal moment, the nation must ask itself a fundamental question: Do they wish to entrust their future to a party that has repeatedly demonstrated a contempt for democratic values and ethical governance? Or do they wish to chart a new course, one that is guided by the principles of integrity, justice, and an unwavering commitment to the greater good? The answer to this question will echo through the annals of history, shaping the destiny of the Maldives for generations to come. It is a moment that demands courage, resolve, and an unshakable commitment to the ideals upon which any true democracy must be built. As the polling stations open on April 21st, the world watches with bated breath as the Maldivian people make a choice that will define the very soul of their nation. Will they choose the path of deceit and cronyism, or will they embrace a future of transparency and accountability? The fate of the Maldives rests in the hands of its citizens, and their decision will reverberate through the ages – a testament to their resilience, their principles, and their unwavering pursuit of a just and prosperous society for all.

Categories
Columns Education PAKISTAN

28 Million Out of School: Pakistan in Throes of a Education Crisis

Students attend class at a government school in southwest Pakistan's Quetta, Oct. 15, 2014. Pakistan has welcomed the decision by the Norwegian Nobel Committee to award the 2014 Nobel Peace Prize to Malala Yousafzai, a Pakistani teenage girl who defied Taliban's ban on girls' education. (Xinhua/Irfan/IANS)

Pakistan’s education crisis is marked by a shockingly large number of out-of-school children, very low learning outcomes, wide achievement gaps and inadequate teacher efforts, writes Dr. Sakariya Kareem

Recently Nobel Peace Prize winner Malala Yousafzai expressed concern over Pakistan’s education crisis.  In a letter to Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, she wrote “Currently, 26 million children — predominantly girls in the poorest districts of Pakistan — remain out of school. Furthermore, more than 200,000 teachers’ seats are vacant nationwide.” “This gap is severely affecting the functioning of schools and negatively impacting student retention and quality of schooling. Our collective aim should be to design a measurable, realistic plan to bring these numbers down significantly over the course of your term,” she added.

Although through her letter Malala has highlighted the crisis in Pakistan’s education sector, the actual number of out-of-school children in the country stands at a startling 28 million, somewhat more than what she has quoted.  Despite tall claims made by successive governments to enroll out-of-school children, the number of such kids continues to grow at a rapid pace.

Pakistan’s education crisis is marked by a shockingly large number of out-of-school children, very low learning outcomes, wide achievement gaps and inadequate teacher efforts.

Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif speaks in an interaction with foreign media in Islamabad, Pakistan. (Photo by Ahmad Kamal/Xinhua/IANS)

In January this year, a report on the performance of the education sector was released by the Pakistan Institute of Education, a subsidiary of the education ministry revealed a lack of funds, poor pupil-teacher ratio, missing basic facilities as well as 26 million Out of School children (OOSC) in  Pakistan. The report highlighted that an alarming 26.21 million – basically, 39 percent of children in Pakistan are out of school. OOSC are defined as children of school going age that are not going to school. The compulsory range of school going age is stipulated as five to 16 years under article 25-A of the Constitution. The number of  OOSC stands at  11.73 million in Punjab, 7.63m in Sindh, 3.63m in KP, 3.13m in Balochistan, and 0.08 million in Islamabad. The percentage of out-of-school children decreased from 44 percent in 2016-17 to 39 percent in 2021-22.

More than 50 per cent of all school going age children are out of school in 17 out of 28 districts in Balochistan. District Shaheed Sikandarabad has the highest proportion of OOSC in Balochistan at 76 per cent, with Sherani following at 70 percent of out of school children between the ages of five and 16 years.

In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, district Kohistan has the highest proportion of OOSC at 60 per cent.

The results from key assessments conducted by the National Assessment Wing, specifically the Trends in International Mathematics & Science Study (TIMSS) and the National Achievement Test (NAT), highlighted the urgent need to improve learning outcomes among students. The report said that in 2021-22, spending on education remained 1.7percent of GDP.

In terms of enrolments, these happen later than required, with a lack of emphasis on early childhood education leading up to class 1. Drop outs start to happen between 9-11 years of age.  The dropout ratio rises steadily with age. However, the proportion of children who have never attended school remains overwhelming at all age levels.

A teacher attends a class at a makeshift school set up in a public park in Islamabad, capital of Pakistan. (File pic: Xinhua/Ahmad Kamal/IANS)

Large schools across Pakistan simply lack toilets, potable water among other basic facilities. As per the report, only 23 percent of primary schools in Balochistan have access to potable water. Only 15 percent schools in Balochistan have electricity. In terms of toilet facilities  scarce in all primary schools, across Pakistan, Balochistan fares worst with 77 percent primary schools, 31 percent middle schools, and four percent high schools not having toilets for students. In Sindh, 43 percent primary schools do not have toilet facilities. In Balochistan, the situation is alarming.  In Azad Kashmir, 58 percent primary, 34 percent middle, and 23 percent high schools do not have this facility.

OOSC in Pakistan can be compared to that in the Sub-Saharan countries. It is one of the major challenges faced by the education sector of the country. Poverty and lack of awareness were major factors behind this issue. According to a teacher from Islamabad, “In most of the cases, the kids do labour work to help their families and the children will not be able to join schools till this issue is resolved.” Governments have highlighted very slow progress on education participation, completion and closing of the gender gap”, and successive cabinets have approved plans for bringing OOSC to schools, but practically no serious steps have been taken to handle this crisis.

Furthermore in terms of the quality of education. Consider this statistic. The result of the last CSS examination, announced on September 18, 2023 reflects the quality of graduates being produced by our higher educational institutions (HEIs). The Federal Public Service Commission (FPSC) conducts a competitive examination, commonly known as CSS, for recruitment of officers at the starting stage in the civil services of Pakistan. As per the FPSC, at least 20,000 candidates attempted the written part of the examination, of whom only 393 candidates, or 1.94 percent, passed.This reflects the falling standards of Pakistan’s education over several years. One of the FPSC  reports states that many of the candidates were not even familiar with elementary mathematics. Many candidates “did not even know the direction of a simple compass, confusing north with south and east with west.” Almost all its reports complain about the absence of analytical skills among the candidates who mostly reproduce “crammed knowledge.”

A student writes “Yes I am Malala” on the blackboard at a government school in southwest Pakistan’s Quetta. (File Photo: Xinhua/Irfan/IANS)

An inclusive education does not discriminate by gender, language, religion, etc. On gender, discrimination is manifest at the outset when income constrained families spend more to educate sons than daughters. Children whose home language is not English or Urdu cannot acquire elementary education in their own language even if their parents want. The exclusion of languages such as Sindhi and Balochi means not only their slow death but also the withering of their associated cultures and identities.The religious content of one religion is diffused throughout textbooks prescribed for secular subjects. This practice is justified by the argument that Pakistan is overwhelmingly Muslim (97.5 per cent), which makes it alright to propagate predominantly Islamic content.

Thus, Pakistan’s school education is neither inclusive nor equitable and is departing further from these objectives. Because Pakistan’s ruling elite is just playing along with the UN? One of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) obligates the country to provide inclusive and equitable education for all. The SDGs were preceded by the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) for 15 years. None were attained in Pakistan without any analysis of the reasons for the failure. Instead, the country signed on to a new set of goals with a fresh lease of 15 years during which officials would continue to hold meetings and participate in conferences. Meanwhile, the people in whose name the exercise is being conducted are largely excluded from the conversation.

ALSO READ: Understanding Pakistan’s Struggle with Terrorism

Categories
Asia News Columns PAKISTAN

Understanding Pakistan’s Struggle with Terrorism

Security personnel inspect a mosque after a blast in Peshawar, northwestern Pakistan, on Jan. 31, 2023.(Str/Xinhua/IANS)

Terror attacks have surged in Pakistan in tandem with the resurgence of the Taliban in neighbouring Afghanistan, writes Dr. Sakariya Kareem

Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan, a complex and turbulent one, is driven by its geopolitical ambitions and strategic concerns. Historically, Pakistan has pursued policies aimed at diminishing India’s influence in the region, often at the expense of stability in Afghanistan. This intricate strategy has involved supporting radical factions within Afghanistan, including groups like the Afghan Taliban and the Haqqani network, through various means such as intelligence cooperation, the provision of weaponry, and offering sanctuary. Despite pressure from international actors, notably the United States, Pakistan has persistently been reluctant to alter its approach, even as sporadic attempts at fostering strategic partnerships through economic aid have been made.

The motivations underlying Pakistan’s actions are multifaceted. Firstly, Pakistan is apprehensive about the prospect of an unstable Afghanistan becoming a safe- haven for anti-Pakistani militant groups, thereby escalating regional instability. Consequently, Pakistan views maintaining ties with the Taliban as strategically imperative, albeit reluctantly, considering the group as a necessary ally among Afghanistan’s political actors.

Furthermore, Pakistan faces internal challenges in countering terrorism, particularly in its Punjab heartland, where targeting militant groups aligned with Afghanistan could incite retaliatory attacks. This underscores Pakistan’s limited control over the militants it has historically supported, a reality it hesitates to acknowledge due to potential domestic and international ramifications.

Security personnel examine the blast site in southwest Pakistan’s Quetta. (File Photo by Asad/Xinhua/IANS)

Additionally, Pakistan is wary of the emergence of a robust Afghan government aligned with India, perceiving it as a strategic threat that could encircle Pakistan. This apprehension was accentuated in President Trump’s 2017 speech on Afghanistan, where he hinted at leveraging India’s influence to pressure Pakistan, primarily through economic means. Despite assurances recognising Pakistan’s legitimate interests in Afghanistan, Pakistan remains cautious of India’s expanding role, including perceived support for Baluchi separatist groups within Pakistan. Consequently, gestures from the United States to improve India-Pakistan relations may inadvertently heighten Pakistan’s concerns about India’s regional influence.

Terror attacks have surged in Pakistan in tandem with the resurgence of the Taliban in neighbouring Afghanistan. According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal, over 1,500 people were killed in terrorist attacks in Pakistan in 2023, marking a 50% increase from 2021 and triple the number in 2020. The Islamic State Khorasan (ISKP), an affiliate of the Islamic State, has claimed responsibility for numerous attacks, including the bombing targeting the convention of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI), an Islamist political party within Pakistan’s coalition government. Paradoxically, while sharing ideological similarities with the TTP, the JUI’s participation in constitutional-democratic processes has led to its condemnation by the Islamic State as “hypocrites.”

Pakistan’s struggle with terrorism traces back to the late 1990s when local veterans of the U.S.-backed mujahideen in Afghanistan redirected their focus to domestic issues. Despite Pakistan’s apparent alliance with the United States in the Global War on Terror post-9/11, it failed to dismantle jihadist groups operating within its territory fully. The toll of this approach has been devastating, with over 16,225 terror attacks reported since 2000, resulting in 66,601 deaths, according to the South Asia Terrorism Portal.

(Xinhua/Huang Zongzhi) (syq)

Groups like the Afghan Taliban have received substantial support from the Pakistani government despite their ties with Al-Qaeda. This support stems from Pakistan’s military objectives to secure more significant influence in Afghanistan relative to its rival, India, following the U.S. withdrawal. Concurrently, Pakistani authorities have taken a hardline stance against international terror groups such as Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State, as well as groups perpetrating sectarian violence or insurgency against Pakistani authorities.

While Pakistani officials may draw distinctions between various jihadist factions, militants often operate without such nuance. Despite theological differences, their commitment to jihad remains steadfast. The discovery of Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad before his death in a U.S. operation in 2011 underscores the resilience of Pakistan’s jihadist infrastructure. Although Pakistan collaborated with the U.S. in apprehending other Al-Qaeda leaders between 2001 and 2011, bin Laden’s ability to evade detection for years highlights potential support from non-priority jihadi groups.

Under former Prime Minister Imran Khan, Pakistan initiated a ceasefire agreement with the TTP, which later collapsed amid allegations of military aggression. The subsequent government rejected the TTP’s demands for implementing Islamic law in bordering districts, attributing terror attacks to its splinter factions. While Pakistan’s military leadership has pledged a comprehensive counterterrorism strategy targeting all violent extremist groups, its implementation remains pending. Without decisive action, new offshoots and splinter groups of existing jihadist movements will continue to emerge, perpetuating a cycle of violence.

A Pakistan Elite Police Force commandos takes part in a drill to fight against militants at a school in northwest Pakistan’s Peshawar. (Xinhua/Ahmad Sidique/IANS)

In conclusion, Pakistan’s intricate relationship with Afghanistan, shaped by strategic imperatives and historical alliances, has contributed to regional instability and a persistent terrorism threat within its borders. Despite external pressures and intermittent attempts to recalibrate its approach, Pakistan’s reluctance to sever ties with certain militant groups underscores the complexities of navigating its security landscape. Addressing these challenges demands concerted efforts from Pakistan, its regional neighbours, and international partners to confront terrorism comprehensively and foster stability in the region.

ALSO READ: Pakistan Army doing a ‘Balochistan’ in Pashtun-majority areas

Categories
Asia News Columns PAKISTAN

Millions of Pak women are crippled by early marriages

Child marriages forced over 631,000 female students to either not attend school or leave classes midway due to early marriages, writes Dr. Sakariya Kareem

High rates of child marriages are crippling the lives of girls in Pakistan, forcing them to leave schools, bear children at tender age and manage families when they should have been swinging free with friends in parks and river banks.

The country witnesses over 600,000 child marriages in a year. As a result, Pakistan is home to nearly 19 million child brides; 1 in 6 young women are married in childhood.

The Pakistan Demographic Health Survey 2017-18, pointed out that 13.5 per cent of girls and 2.6 per cent of boys in Pakistan were victims of child marriage. The survey said 3.6 per cent of girls in the country get married before the age of 15; 18.3 per cent get married before the age of 18. The rate of child marriages was 23 per cent, all of which caused a financial loss to the national exchequer to the tune of $800 million.

Child marriages lead to an extraordinarily high rate of mortality, according to a joint research report of UN Women and the National Commission on the Status of Women, a national organisation working to improve the condition of women in the country. The report estimated that early childbearing and ignorance of reproductive health practices lead to high mortality, costing the country Rs 636 billion in a year. Early marriages also cause an annual increase of 21 per cent in the birth rate of children and 22 per cent in the death rate of children.

The joint UN report had much more stark reminders. Child marriages forced over 631,000 female students to either not attend school or leave classes midway due to early marriages. Of these, 360,000 were from the Punjab, 136,000 from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, 170,000 from Sindh and 28,800 from Balochistan.

Child marriages have been cited as one of the main causes of domestic violence. About 14 per cent of the cases of domestic violence in the Punjab were attributed to early marriage. The rate was 42 per cent in Sindh, 53 per cent in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and 50 per cent in Balochistan.

Early marriages also force women to leave the job market abruptly. This numbers about a 21 per cent reduction, estimated to be an indirect annual loss of Rs 26.8 billion in wages.

Although Pakistan signed the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1990 under which marriage under the age of 18 was a violation of the human rights of children, the state has hardly done anything concrete to prevent such a large number of child marriages.

Experts cite poor health and sexual exploitation as two important outcomes of child marriages. Amjad Latif, advocacy and communication manager of Rahnuma, a member organisation of the Family Planning Association of Pakistan, said those who visited their medical facilities faced health problems due to early marriage. She pointed out that young girls also faced sexual exploitation due to ignorance and lack of financial independence.

A large number of women in Pakistan thus remain bonded to a practice which causes serious health and emotional problems. The state, despite conventions and speeches, remains oblivious to the critical needs of at least half of its population.

ALSO READ: Leaders Raise Concerns Over Child Marriage in Gilgit-Baltistan

Categories
Columns India News Jammu & Kashmir

The Spectre of Jamaat E Islami in Kashmir

Jamaat-e-Islami, Srinagar(twitter)

The Jamaat’s tendency to define religion in distorted political contexts is the primary reason that youth have fallen prey to its propaganda, only to regret their decisions decades later, writes Dr. Shujaat Ali Quadri

The Ministry of Home extended the ban on Jamaat e Islami by five years. This was in recognition of the fact that that organization is synonymous with terrorism in Kashmir. The Jamaat was banned in 2019 as the government prepared its groundwork for abrogation of Article 370.

The Jamaat e Islami Kashmir was established in the early 1950s and over the decades the organization charted its own ideological path contrary to its parent organization that relocated to Pakistan. In doing so the Jamaat e Islami of Kashmir contradicted the principles of its parent body. Like any organization founded on long term institutional vision, the Jamat E Islami kashmir targeted the youth and middle classes through mass education campaigns.

Compared to Kashmir’s sufi establishment, the Jamaat’s missionary zeal empowered it to reach all corners of the valley in the name of establishing an Islamic society.

In 1960s and 1970s, when the then Congress leadership’s micromanaging of Kashmir affairs and the arrest of Sheikh Abdullah created a permanent leadership vacuum in the valley, the Jamaat got entrenched in Kashmir’s society and governmental apparatus.

Influenced by the upheavals in the Islamic world in the latter years of the Cold War, the Jamaat played a key role in the creation of Muslim United Front that contested the infamous elections of 1987. It is an open truth that elections were rigged by the Congress leadership and were followed by the beginning of armed insurgency by MUF Cadre. Later, an MUF leader Syed Salahuddin established the Hizb ul Mujahideen which eventually emerged as the most powerful militant outfit in the valley as it extensively drew from the Jamaat cadre.

Within the first few years of the insurgency, it became clear that armed violence was inadequate for the Jamaat to achieve its aims and its leaders founded another outfit, the All Parties Hurriyat Conference that carried the radical agenda with more sophistication.

Syed Ali Shah Geelani

Ideologues like Syed AIi Shah Geelani, who wrote extensively on the need for an Islamist society, simultaneously advocated Kashmir’s merger with Pakistan. In his book “Nava-e-Hurriyat”, he presented a wrong interpretation of Jammu and Kashmir’s accession to India. Geelani justified Pakistan’s invasion of Kashmir in 1947, terming it as a war of liberation. Geelani even led prayers for Osama bin Laden after he was killed by American forces in Pakistan. For decades, he remained the face of radical politics Kashmir, bringing the daily life in Kashmir to a standstill whenever he wished.

Students head for school as winter vacation end in Baramulla of Jammu and Kashmir. (Photo: IANS)

To conclude, in these three decades since the onset of insurgency, the Islamist agenda seeped so deep into the Kashmiri politics that it became synonymous with Kashmir’s body politic till the government finally decided to ban the Jamaat e Islami in 2019. In fact, it is not just Kashmir but the entire subcontinent that has suffered at the hands of the Jamaat. The Jamaat’s tendency to define religion in distorted political contexts is the primary reason that youth have fallen prey to its propaganda, only to regret their decisions decades later. Firstly, the Jamaat ideology alienates the muslim youth from their local Sufi traditions and instilled hatred against Sufism, and finally it antagonizes them to a point of no return.

(The Author is the Chairman of the Muslim Students Organisation of India)

Categories
Asia News Columns PAKISTAN

Alarming Neglect and Desecration of Minority Sacred Sites in Pakistan

Historical and religious sites in Pakistan suffer distressing neglect and desecration, exposing a disturbing pattern of the government’s callous disregard for minority places of worship

Gurdwara Tibba Nanaksar Sahib, a sacred Sikh shrine in Pakistan, stands on the brink of collapse. Located in the Pakpattan area of Sahiwal district, this historical landmark associated with the founder of Sikhism, Guru Nanak Dev, is facing severe neglect by the Pakistani government. Years of indifference have left the Gurdwara in a dilapidated state, threatening its very existence. Urgent action is needed to prevent this significant site from crumbling into ruins.

Roughly six kilometres from the city of Pakpattan, this sacred shrine is associated with the belief that it was here that Guru Nanak received the holy verses penned by Baba Farid, a revered Sufi saint, also known as Baba Ibrahim Farid Sani. These verses were later incorporated into the Guru Granth Sahib, the holiest scripture of Sikhism, by Guru Arjan Dev, the fifth Sikh Guru. Thus, the Gurdwara serves as a living connection between two key figures in Sikhism, simultaneously bearing witness to the interfaith dialogue that shaped the early development of Sikhism.

Even though the tomb and mosque of Baba Fateh Ullah Shah Noori Chishti, a descendant of Baba Farid, within the Gurdwara boundary, are well maintained with timely repairs and whitewashing, the Gurdwara building receives no such upkeep. Recent videos of the Gurdwara show that local villagers use the Gurdwara as a cattle shed, plastering its walls with cow dung cakes and filling its rooms with filth and cattle feed.

Last July, monsoon rains and floods caused severe damage in Pakistan, with another significant Sikh historical site suffering the consequences. In Kasur, Punjab province, a portion of the Gurdwara Sahib at Daftu collapsed during heavy rainfall. This marks the second such incident in Pakistan in that month, highlighting the vulnerability of historical sites to both natural disasters and neglect. The Gurdwara Sahib holds particular importance due to its connection to the revered 17th-century Sufi poet and reformist, Baba Bulleh Shah. Tradition has it that Bulleh Shah sought refuge in this very Gurdwara after facing threats from Islamic fundamentalists. This collapse not only represented structural damage but also marked the erosion of cultural heritage.

The book “Sikh Heritage Beyond the Borders” by Dalvir Singh Pannu highlights the historical significance of Gurdwara Sahib Daftu. A famous story from the 18th century recounts how Sufi poet Baba Bulleh Shah sought refuge here when chased by an angry mob. The Sikh caretakers refused to hand him over, stating that no harm could come to him within the walls of the Gurdwara. Pannu paints a contrasting picture of the Gurdwara’s grand past and its current state of disrepair. Once a magnificent structure with ornate gateways, arched windows, and a central dome, it is now separated from the street by a brick wall and stands neglected, its grandeur fading behind a decrepit facade. A lone Ganesh Chakar inlay on the back wall serves as a silent reminder of its former glory.

Earlier in the month, the historic Gurdwara Sri Rori Sahib, located near the India-Pakistan border, too fell victim to torrential rains, collapsing and leaving only a portion of its wall standing. The Gurdwara was built to commemorate Guru Nanak Dev’s visit to Jahman village and had stood tall for centuries. However, after the Partition of India, it fell into disrepair due to neglect by the Pakistani government.

Pakistani historian Imran William expressed his sadness at the loss, calling it “one of the saddest and darkest days” in Sikh history. He highlighted that the Gurdwara was already in ruins and despite appeals for restoration, the Pakistani government never took any action.

The documentary “Allegory: A Tapestry of Guru Nanak’s Travels”, created by historian Amardeep Singh, mentions that the Gurdwara Rori Sahib was built by Bhai Wadhwa Singh. This Gurdwara holds significance as the site where Guru Nanak and Bhai Mardana engaged in spiritual discussions with the Bhabhra Jain community. Some members of this community, impressed by Nanak’s teachings, even became his disciples. Sadly, the Gurdwara, once a popular pilgrimage destination for Sikhs, now stands neglected. The vast pond near it has dried up, and only remnants of artwork and frescos hint at its past grandeur. Guru Nanak also frequented the nearby Dera Chahal, where his maternal grandparents lived.

A historic Hindu temple in Karachi’s Soldier Bazaar, the Mari Mata Temple, was demolished under the cover of darkness in July, 2023. While the area experienced a power outage on a late Friday night, heavy machinery arrived and razed the temple’s interior structure, leaving only the outer walls and main gate standing. Residents reported seeing a police vehicle present during the demolition, raising concerns about the legality and transparency of the operation.

Built over 150 years ago, the Mari Mata Temple held significant cultural and religious value for the Madrasi Hindu community in Pakistan. Fearing the structure’s potential collapse, the temple management had temporarily relocated most deities to a nearby room, planning renovations. However, the sudden demolition without proper consultation or warning left the community deeply shocked and upset. The incident sparked questions about the protection of minority religious sites and due process in Karachi.

Alarmingly, within a single day of a Hindu temple being demolished in Karachi, another temple in Pakistan faced a shocking act of vandalism.

Unidentified individuals targeted a Hindu temple and nearby homes in the area under the control of the Ghouspur police station in Kashmore. The attackers opened fire indiscriminately on both the temple and the residences. Upon hearing the gunfire, a police unit headed by Kashmore-Kandhkot SSP Irfan Sammo rushed to the scene.

The police believed that “rocket launchers” were used by a group of 8-9 gunmen. Luckily, the temple was closed at the time, preventing any injuries. The annual religious services held by the Bagri community are the only time the temple is typically open. A member of the Bagri community reported that although dacoits attacked their place of worship with “rocket launchers,” thankfully none of them exploded, preventing any casualties. However, the attack left the residents in a state of panic. He urged the police to step up security measures to protect the community in the wake of this unsettling incident.

Similarly, last December, a renewed push emerged for reopening the ancient Sharda Peeth temple in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. The Save Sharda Committee, an organization based in Kashmir, reignited calls for access to the historic Hindu pilgrimage site. The Sharda Peeth, once a renowned centre of learning, has fallen into disrepair since coming under Pakistani control.

The founder of the Save Sharda Committee (SSC), Ravinder Pandita, accused the Pakistan army of illegally occupying the ruined Sharda temple complex and setting up a coffee shop there. He claims that this act disregards a judgment issued by the Supreme Court of Pakistan on January 3, 2023. Pandita further emphasized that Pakistani civil society has joined forces with the SSC to condemn this action and the damage done to the temple’s boundary wall. He passionately demanded the reopening of the Sharda Peeth for pilgrimage purposes.

Historical and religious sites in Pakistan, such as Gurdwara Tibba Nanaksar Sahib and Mari Mata Temple, suffer distressing neglect and desecration, exposing a disturbing pattern of the government’s callous disregard for minority places of worship. Gurdwaras in Pakpattan and Kasur crumble due to neglect, echoing the tragic collapse of Gurdwara Sri Rori Sahib. Recent secretive demolitions in Karachi and Kashmore, alongside brutal acts of vandalism, underscore the vulnerability of minority religious sites. The government’s persistent failure to safeguard these sacred places raises urgent questions about transparency, due process, and the dire need for robust security measures. The ongoing decay emphasizes a heart-wrenching reality of cultural erosion, disrespect for minority sentiments, necessitating immediate action to redress these injustices and restore respect for minority communities.

Categories
Asia News Columns World News

India is making substantial strides in tackling poverty

India is celebrating 75th Republic Day on Friday. The country has changed in the last few decades. The Poverty Headcount Ratio in India has witnessed a commendable decline from 29.2% in 2013-14 to a significantly lower 11.2% in 2022-23, marking an extraordinary reduction of 17.8 percentage points. This monumental achievement is underscored by the fact that 248 million Indians have successfully escaped multidimensional poverty over the last nine years

Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan significantly reduce the multidimensional poverty.  Continued reduction in multidimensional poverty will strengthen India’s road to a developed economy by 2047.

In a paradigm-shifting accomplishment, India has made substantial strides in tackling multidimensional poverty, as highlighted by the Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) in the National Multidimensional Poverty: A Progress Review -2023 report by Niti Aayog, Government of India. This globally recognized measure transcends mere monetary considerations, utilizing the robust Alkire and Foster (AF) method to comprehensively evaluate poverty across various dimensions. The MPI identifies individuals as poor based on universally acknowledged metrics, providing a more holistic perspective compared to traditional monetary measures.

The Poverty Headcount Ratio in India has witnessed a commendable decline from 29.2% in 2013-14 to a significantly lower 11.2% in 2022-23, marking an extraordinary reduction of 17.8 percentage points. This monumental achievement is underscored by the fact that 24.8 crore Indians have successfully escaped multidimensional poverty over the last nine years. Such progress can be attributed to the concerted efforts and initiatives implemented by the government between 2013-14 and 2022-23 to comprehensively address various dimensions of poverty.

Uttar Pradesh emerges as a frontrunner in this transformative journey, witnessing the largest decline in the number of poor individuals, with 5.9 crore escaping multidimensional poverty in the State over the past nine years. Bihar closely follows suit with 3.7 crore individuals, while Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan have recorded declines of 2.3 crore and 1.8 crore individuals, respectively. This indicates a positive trend, showcasing substantial progress in traditionally high-poverty states, thus narrowing inter-state disparities in multidimensional poverty.

Graphix Poverty
Source: National Multidimensional poverty: A Progress Review -2023’ report by Niti Aayog, Government of India

The pace of the decline in the poverty headcount ratio gained momentum between 2015-16 and 2019-21, demonstrating an annual rate of decline of 10.6%. This stands in stark contrast to the period from 2005-06 to 2015-16, which witnessed a rate of 7.7% annually. The accelerated progress underscores the efficacy of targeted initiatives and policies during recent years.

Poverty Rates in Urban and Rural regions for 2015-16 and 2019-21

   

The poverty rate in rural India decreased from 32.59% to 19.28%, and in urban areas, it saw a decline from 8.65% to 5.27%. Consequently, the rural population experienced a more significant poverty reduction compared to the urban population.

Various government programs and initiatives have played a pivotal role in contributing to this unprecedented reduction in multidimensional poverty. Initiatives such as Poshan Abhiyan and Anemia Mukt Bharat have significantly improved healthcare access, addressing health disparities among vulnerable population. The Targeted Public Distribution System under the National Food Security Act, one of the world’s largest food security programs, ensures the distribution of food grains to 81.3 crore beneficiaries, covering both rural and urban population.

Flagship programs like Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana and PM Awas Yojana have been instrumental in financial inclusion and providing safe housing for the underprivileged, contributing significantly to the escape from multidimensional poverty. The extension of free food grain distribution under Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana for an additional five years exemplifies the government’s unwavering commitment to alleviating poverty and ensuring food security for the most vulnerable segments of the population.

Beyond poverty alleviation, the government has implemented transformative campaigns addressing maternal health, clean cooking fuel distribution through Ujjwala Yojana, enhanced electricity coverage via Saubhagya, and the ambitious Swachh Bharat Mission and Jal Jeevan Mission. These programs collectively contribute to elevated living conditions and overall well-being, fostering a comprehensive approach to development.

The varying performance among states, especially in traditionally high-poverty regions like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Madhya Pradesh, indicates significant progress. This progress not only signifies a substantial reduction in multidimensional poverty but also suggests a positive trajectory towards achieving Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) Target 1.2 — halving multidimensional poverty well before 2030.

The transformative journey towards reducing multidimensional poverty is a crucial step in realizing the broader vision of Viksit Bharat @2047. As inter-state disparities continue to narrow, and fundamental issues related to accessing basic services are swiftly addressed, India is poised to evolve into a developed nation, echoing the aspirations outlined in the national goal for 2047.

India’s progress in addressing multidimensional poverty is a testament to the government’s persistent dedication and resolute commitment to enhancing the lives of the most vulnerable and deprived. The multifaceted approach, backed by data-driven methodologies such as the MPI, has resulted in a momentous step towards a more inclusive and prosperous India. The success story not only symbolizes a poverty reduction but also represents a paradigm shift towards holistic development and a brighter future for the nation and a strengthened road to its journey towards a developed economy by 2047.

Categories
Columns

The Birth of Hindu Pakistan

RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat and Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the Shri Ram Janmaboomi Temple in Ayodhya

India stands at a crossroads. While the euphoria surrounding such developments may garner votes for the BJP, it risks eroding the fundamental essence of India. Modi’s apparent division of the country into ‘Us and Them’ may sow discord among communities. Destruction and demolition are never positive; they are crimes against unity … writes Kaliph Anaz

Thirty-two years constitute a brief span in a nation’s history, yet it mirrors the entire professional life of an individual. At the tender age of 25, I witnessed the demolition of the Babri Masjid, an event that marked the beginning of the construction of the Ram Mandir, inaugurated today by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. January 22 will be etched in history as the genesis of the Hindu nation, Bharath. Regrettably, December 6, 1992, not only witnessed the fall of the Babri Masjid but also marked the demise of a secular India. Coincidentally, it was my second birthday, a day when I felt reborn as a Muslim.

I watched the Babri Masjid’s destruction on a grainy black-and-white television at the Malayalee Samajam Hostel in Dadar. Having come to Mumbai with dreams of becoming a journalist, I secured my initial position as a subeditor/reporter at the Free Press Journal. At that time, I was a card-holding communist affiliated with all Communist Party of India (CPM) factions, excluding Mahila Samajam. Holding various party roles, including Joint Secretary of the Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) and Secretary of the Alwaye unit of Sasthra Sahithya Parishat, a people’s science movement in Kerala, I actively participated in campaigns promoting science and societal progress.

The Parishath actively advocates for scientific education among children and spearheads several progressive initiatives, including campaigns for total literacy, smokeless kilns, and ensuring a toilet in every home. While the Communist party focused on advocating for a People’s Democratic Revolution, the Parishath uniquely campaigned for “science for social revolution.” I actively participated in all these campaigns, dedicating myself to laying the groundwork for a democratic revolution to establish a prosperous society free from hunger, illiteracy, unemployment, and homelessness.

I spent nearly 18 hours each day engaged in various activities. I worked as a supervisor in a rayon factory, which served as my primary source of income. Additionally, I fulfilled the role of a local reporter for the party’s mouthpiece, Deshabhimani. Simultaneously, I taught at a night education centre and took on responsibilities given by the party. In this demanding routine, there was no room for religious considerations, emphasizing my dedication to the overarching goals of social progress and justice. There were millions of youths like me. We were building a New India, brick by brick.

My commitment to these causes was unwavering, as evidenced by my rigorous schedule. During the Babri Masjid’s demolition, my commitment to secular ideals faced a profound test. Despite being engrossed in campaigns for a democratic revolution, I decided to embrace Islam on December 6, 1992, aligning myself with a community under attack. My neighbourhood milkman, the Dhoothwallah, was killed during his morning rounds. I witnessed his lifeless body lying amid a pool of milk mixed with blood. (A similar image was exhibited at London’s Tate Modern museum titled “Memorial” by Vivan Sundaram).

The atmosphere in Mumbai, already tense since October, became increasingly charged with sporadic incidents of violence during the Ratha Yatra campaign. The city was gripped by fear, evidenced by the changed slogans on Bombay suburban trains and the shift from popular Bollywood hits to Bhajans. Witnessing the destruction of the Masjid’s domes shattered my belief in the government’s intervention to protect it. Contrary to my expectations, the government remained passive, and the domes fell.

I saw the images of the destruction of three domes of the Masjid. For me, they were the pillars of the judiciary, executive and legislature. The fourth pillar was not much turned saffron Media. Till the demolition, I believed the Army under the command of the Congress government would take over the Masjid and the state BJP government under Kalyan Singh would be dismissed. The historic Masjid will be turned into a museum like Hagia Sophia. But nothing happened. There was no Prime Minister, there was no army and there was no judiciary. The domes were fallen. The leaders failed India.

On December 6, which happened to be a Sunday, I took a decisive step. The following day, I visited the general post office near Victoria Terminus in Bombay, where I purchased 100 postcards. I sat on the majestic steps of the largest post office in India. Operating on a minimal-cost model for an extended period, a postcard was my preferred method of writing letters. In an attempt to communicate the emotional turmoil I was experiencing and my resolution to embrace Islam, I penned letters to all my friends and mentors. Expressing a desire to adopt the name Azeez instead of Anaz, I believed in the adage that “the more Muslim, the merrier.” Anaz was secular, while Azeez was a Muslim.

One of my mentors, the renowned novelist OV Vijayan, responded to my letter later. In his reply, he foresaw a future where he and I would be marginalized in this country, a sentiment that lingered in my thoughts.

Vijayan’s words echoed as I observed Prime Minister Modi consecrating the Lord Ram statue at the newly constructed temple. The question arises: is India heading towards becoming Hindu Bharath, a move that may undermine the country’s essence, given its diverse cultural fabric? Mixing politics with religion has historically proven detrimental, as exemplified by neighbouring nations with internal religious strife.

India stands at a crossroads. While the euphoria surrounding such developments may garner votes for the BJP, it risks eroding the fundamental essence of India. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s apparent division of the country into ‘Us and Them’ may sow discord among communities. Destruction and demolition are never positive; they are crimes against unity.

Constructing a temple on a contested site only perpetuates disputes. Every religion preaches against hurting others’ feelings, yet the proposed path threatens to unravel the cohesive fabric of the nation. History serves as a warning, and we must not ignore the lessons it imparts. The country will bear the consequences of leadership that turned a blind eye to the people’s pleas during times of crisis. At 57, I may not witness the unfolding events, but I am aware that history has seldom favoured those who prioritize their race over humanity.

Categories
Asia News Columns World News

SPECIAL: The Continued Disempowerment of the Baloch

Pakistan's dreaded 'enforced disappearances' expand from Balochistan to Punjab.(photo:IN)

The Baloch insurgency has attracted far less international attention than the conflicts in Pakistan’s northwest tribal areas or its tense and dangerous relationship with India. It is in the interest of the Pakistani establishment to keep strategically located Balochistan with its enormous mineral resources, and the centrepiece of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), away from global attention … writes Dr Sakariya Kareem

On the night of December 21, 2023, a caravan of peaceful, unarmed protesters who had made their way to Islamabad from Turbat, the second-largest city in Balochistan were violently refused entry into the federal capital. Led by young women, the 1,800-kilometre Baloch-long march mobilised thousands of Baloch women, men and children, along with progressive political workers, ethnic-nationalists hailing from other communities, as well as ordinary people.

The demands of the marchers are simple enough, but it is precisely their simplicity that is unpalatable to those who rule us: to bring an end to the dastardly practice of enforced disappearances, as well as ‘encounter killings’, which is what triggered the initial protest in Turbat, and accountability for those who are known to be complicit in all such practices. The caravan snaked through Balochistan and then the Seraiki, Pakhtun and Punjabi heartlands, and was the most meaningful expression of democratic aspirations and what a voluntary federation could look like in recent times. When the Baloch reached Islamabad, they were met with police batons and tear gas, a violent crackdown followed by detention. Due to the shelling, many people were hospitalised. The police, however, detained them from hospitals and moved them to police stations. Police also raided the homes of Baloch individuals living in different sectors, and rounded up several people.

Posting on platform X, Baloch human rights activist Mahrang Baloch wrote “#MarchAgainstBalochGenocide is under attack by the Islamabad police. Many of our youth have been arrested, & many have been injured by tear gas shelling and violence. Right now, we are being treated worse than animals. Will the world raise its voice for us against this barbarism?”

This is but the latest in the long history of disempowerment that the Baloch people have been subjected to. Balochistan, the land of the Baloch people is the largest province of Pakistan, comprising 44 per cent of the country’s territory and despite many phases of obscurity, this marvellous land never lost its geo-political and geo-strategic importance. Yet an overt coloniser and the colonised dynamic prevails between the Pakistani State and Balochistan. Since its formation in 1947, the Pakistani state has strategically violated the provincial status and ethnicity of the Baloch people. A markedly discriminatory attitude towards the Baloch has been assumed by the Pak military, bureaucracy and the government. Here the state uses enforced disappearances as a tool to suppress legitimate demands. Although the practice of forced disappearances dates to the 1970s, since the early 2000s, enforced disappearances and alleged extrajudicial killings have become a vital tool of the state’s counterinsurgency policy in Balochistan.

UN urged to probe abductions and killings by Pakistan’s forces in Balochistan.(photo:IN)

The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) has strongly condemned this latest “violent state crackdown on Baloch citizens” participating in the peaceful long march protesting the alleged extrajudicial killings. The HRCP has called for investigation and accountability for the “state’s widespread use of enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings.”

As has Amnesty International which has through several reports expressed deep concern about the excessive use of force against the Baloch protesters and demanded an impartial investigation of all extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances.

The unrest in Balochistan can be traced to the country’s creation and the 1948 annexation of the Kalat state — the biggest region in the province. Even today, some Baloch nationalists call the annexation an act ‘devoid of moral and legal norms.’ And they often cite the proceedings of the Kalat Tribal Assembly which, at the time of Partition, had declared independence.

Multiple Baloch groups are active in the province, and almost all having been proscribed by the state are deprived of legitimate means of putting forth their grievances. These groups have a simple demand – an end to enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings. Unfortunately, the Pakistani government’s response to the problem has been characterised by neglect, apathy, and even contempt. The result is that in the last ten years, the religious and ethnopolitical factors have also intensified manifolds in Balochistan. All Baloch groups from the banned Balochistan Liberation Army and its youth cell, Majeed Brigade, the Baloch Republican Army (BRA), the Baloch Republican Guard, the United Baloch Army (UBA), BLF and the Baloch Raji Aajoi Saangar (BRAS) that is an umbrella grouping of Baloch organisations, subscribe to secular nationalist ideologies.

The emergence of different factions and alliances reflects a major shift in the insurgency. First, traditionally the Baloch nationalist struggle, both political and militant, was led by the tribal elite or elders, but the BLF, BRAS and now the BNA are largely led by middle-class educated Baloch youth. Second, this phenomenon could also be a reflection of growing dissatisfaction among the leaders on the ground regarding the Baloch leaders living abroad in self-exile. The new ranks of Baloch nationalists are educated and politically radical and are transforming the insurgency into guerrilla warfare. Contrary to their previous leadership, which was not averse to reconciling with the government whenever it sought to secure tribal and family interests, the new leadership has few compulsions on this score, as most of them come from humble backgrounds.

Years of forced disappearances, missing persons and the recovery of mutilated bodies of Baloch youth have deepened a sense of alienation in large segments of the population. The state’s indifference to Baloch nationalist groups is the single largest failure of the Pakistani state since the brutal military operation of 1974-77 in the province, which resulted in the killing of thousands of people and large-scale displacements.

The Baloch insurgency has attracted far less international attention than the conflicts in Pakistan’s northwest tribal areas or its tense and dangerous relationship with India. It is in the interest of the Pakistani establishment to keep strategically located Balochistan with its enormous mineral resources, and the centrepiece of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), away from global attention. A contributory factor is that Pakistan’s poor security situation and government travel restrictions limit foreign access to “sensitive areas,” including Balochistan, where, allegedly for security reasons, foreign journalists may not venture without the Army’s permission.

The conflicts in the province have failed to transform into positive political movements as all waves of Baloch nationalism were brutally oppressed by state power. Nationalist groups weren’t even given a platform to address their grievances and were labelled ‘miscreants’, ‘separatists’ and ‘anti-state.’ The Baloch population — despite claims by successive federal governments that large-scale developmental projects have been launched — remains marginalised. The issues have historical, political and socio-economic dimensions which no regime of Pakistan has been able to effectively and prudently address. According to many Baloch nationalist leaders, there is a lack of political will and determination among Pakistan’s power elites to address what many nationalists call “forced occupation.”

Categories
Asia News Columns World News

West in a fix as China Tightens Grip on Myanmar Affairs

The Myanmar situation, where China has positioned itself as a mediator, has become a focal point for Western nations evaluating China’s motivations. The fear is that China might leverage its influence to advance not only regional stability but also to secure economic advantages and strategic positioning

The global community is closely watching unfolding developments in Myanmar and China’s role in resolving the conflict in Myanmar. Even as a ceasefire was declared a few days ago after China-mediated talks concluded in Kunming in South West China’s Yunnan province, the tension in the different parts of the country has increased manifold. News of Myanmar’s junta breaking a recent ceasefire in northern Shan State with continuing airstrikes has come in. The Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) has confirmed the violation of the ceasefire.

For China, brokering a peace between the junta and rebel groups in Myanmar has become a matter of repute.  The real test is whether the ceasefire holds. How long will the ceasefire last? What will happen if any of the groups violates the ceasefire? Earlier, ceasefire agreements have rapidly collapsed including a temporary deal last month.

China has been trying to become the biggest actor in global talks after it brokered a deal between Saudi Arabia and Iran last year. China faced criticism after it portrayed itself as neutral in the Russian-Ukraine and Israel-Hamas wars by the West. China’s efforts for peace In both conflicts have produced few visible results.

The total turnaround in its earlier approach from non-interfering to mediator in conflicts has raised suspicion about the real intention behind it. Way back in March 2021, China condemned the violence against civilians, halted investments and engaged with the exiled National League for Democracy (NLD) members. In 2023, this support changed dramatically as it adopted a new diplomatic approach. China began giving signals of change in its approach in April 2023 when the secretary of the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) Yunnan Provincial Committee Wang Ning reached Naypyidaw. The envoy from the CCP later that month visited Myanmar to hold discussions with former junta leader Than Shwe who had nurtured closer relations with China than Min Aung Hlaing. The envoy had also met former president Thein Sein. According to available reports, these meetings were intended to ask the former leaders to advise Min Aung Hlaing to forge closer ties.

In Myanmar‘s case, China’s proactive role in facilitating talks and calling for a “soft landing” in conflict areas, such as northern Myanmar, has triggered scepticism. Critics argued that China’s involvement may extend beyond the pursuit of regional stability and could potentially serve broader geopolitical interests.

Xi Jinping, general secretary of the CPC Central Committee, waves to journalists at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, Oct. 23, 2022. (Xinhua/Pang Xinglei/IANS)

Western experts are concerned about China’s ambition to expand its global influence, economic dominance, and strategic partnerships. As it continues to assert itself on the international stage, Western nations are closely scrutinizing its motives, especially in regions where geopolitical interests intersect.

The Myanmar situation, where China has positioned itself as a mediator, has become a focal point for Western nations evaluating China’s motivations. The fear is that China might leverage its influence to advance not only regional stability but also to secure economic advantages and strategic positioning.

Meanwhile, China-led mediation efforts seem to have started showing an adverse impact on the military junta and its dictator. News reports suggested that Myanmar’s Dictator Min Aung Hlaingh been facing calls to resign From Some of His Most Ardent Supporters. A news portal of Myanmar cited him as incompetent, selfish and spineless, accusing him of guiding a military once considered invincible into a state of inconsolable shame and desperation. A high-profile regime cheerleader MaungMaung clearly stated that Three years is enough for U Min Aung Hlaing,” MaungMaung announced on his YouTube channel. The incident is being seen as the result of China’s mediation, said a few experts. The military has lost control of about 30 towns, several hundred bases and outposts – including command centres – to resistance forces across the country in less than three months.

The China-mediated ceasefire effort has posed the biggest threat to the junta and military ruler since power was seized on February 1 2021.  Available reports suggested that the junta has bowed to the United Wa State Army’s demand for administrative control of Hopang and Panlong towns in northern Shan State. The transfer of the two towns to Myanmar’s most powerful ethnic army expands Wa Self-Administered Division east of the Salween River. The two towns were seized by the Brotherhood Alliance on January 5 following the surrender of over 700 junta troops.

The alliance – comprising the Arakan Army, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army – subsequently gave the two towns to the United Wa State Army.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Mao Ning on ceasefire claimed that both sides have agreed to implement an immediate ceasefire, disengage their military personnel and settle disputes through peace negotiations. She called on all parties to earnestly implement the agreement, exercise maximum restraint and address issues through dialogue. They also promised not to compromise the safety of Chinese people living near the border and Chinese projects and personnel in Myanmar.

What the compelling reasons for China to mediate is the moot question. Regional experts said that China’s efforts were motivated mainly by self-interest including economic and trade interests. Available reports suggested that the armed conflict between the Myanmar junta and ethnic groups has caused a daily loss of about USD 10 million in bilateral trade between China and Myanmar, although the loss is more damaging for Myanmar than China. However, Beijing’s efforts will unlikely have a significant effect on the conflict