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India’s Cultural Diplomacy in Southeast Asia

The relationship between India and Southeast Asia is rooted in strong cultural and historical connections, making their ties unique and distinct in the contemporary world, writes Dr Premanand Mishra

Civilizational states like India have been redefining the unsettled structuralist notions of the international system through culture and civilizational sensibilities. Ideas of culture and civilization are the foundation of India’s cultural diplomacy which finds a significant resonance in the country’s foreign policy domain under the Narendra Modi government.


The two sets of principles of Indian foreign policy can be explained from the standpoint of the shift from the Nehruvian vision of ‘Panchsheel to PM Modi’s Panchamrit.’


The tenets of Panchsheel (respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-aggression, non-interference in internal affairs, mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence) go back to the early period of Independent India.  


Panchamrit or five themes of the new foundation of Indian foreign policy is based upon (a) Samman — dignity and honor(b) samvad– greater engagement and dialogue; (c) Samriddhi- shared prosperity); (d)Suraksha — regional and global security; and (e) Sanskriti evam sabhyata — cultural and civilizational linkages.


Culture diplomacy, therefore, has become one of the most significant cornerstones of soft power in Indian foreign policy initiatives.


India’s cultural diplomacy towards Southeast Asia

India’s cultural diplomacy towards Southeast Asia brought the value of connecting factors like yoga, cinema, cuisine, and religious symbols converging the past with its present. The role of religious past (particularly Hinduism and Buddhism) and its symbols have been a cornerstone of India’s cultural diplomacy towards Southeast Asia.


If one briefly traces the connection, the canon of civilizational linkages finds the relics of the past settlements in the region through linguistic closeness, coinage with deities of Hindu Gods and archeological traces of trade relations. 


 Pyu settlement of the first century in the present-day Myanmar, has remnants of Hindu God Vishnu. Similarly, Angkor Wat in Cambodia and Ta Prohm sites scattered through central Thailand called Dvaravati, associated with the Mon inhabitants manifesting Indian culture, with Vaishnavite and Shaivite traditions and also some trace of Buddhist influence. 


Ramayana connection

Ramayana connection is another significance of civilizational ties between India and Southeast Asia. It can be traced to the 5th century in stone inscriptions from Funan, the first Hindu kingdom in mainland Southeast Asia.


An outstanding series of the Battle of Lanka from the 12th century still exists at Angkor Wat in Cambodia, and Ramayana sculptures from the same period can be found at Pagan in Myanmar.


Thailand’s old capital, Ayutthya founded in 1347, is said to have been modelled on Ayodhya, Rama’s birthplace and setting of the Ramayana.
New versions of the epic were written in poetry and prose and as dramas in Burmese, Thai, Khmer, Lao, Malay, Javanese and Balinese, and the story continues to be told in dance-dramas, music, puppet, and shadow theatre throughout Southeast Asia. 


The Thai Epic Ramakien is based on the Ramayana, and the city of Ayutthya was named after Ayodhya.


In Lao PDR, the popular version of the Ramayana is called Pha Lak Pha Lam, whilst in the Philippines the folk narrative holds much resemblance to the Ramayana. An adaptation of the Ramayana called the Yama Zatddaw was also introduced as an oral tradition in Myanmar.


In Indonesia, the Ramayana is called the Kakawin Ramayana, whilst the Malay version is called the Ramayana Hikayat Seri Rama.”
“Ramayana was already well known in Java by the end of the ninth century is evident from the magnificent series of reliefs carved into the walls of the temples of Prambanan in central Java around 900 AD.


In Bali, the story of Rama still plays a central part in the religious and cultural life of the island. Similarly, Buddhism also builds a foundation of shared culture becoming a core aspect of Indian cultural diplomacy towards Myanmar, Vietnam, Thailand, Cambodia, Laos. 


Look East to Act East- ‘shared values-common destiny’

 There are three phases of Look East to Act East diplomacy between India and South East Asia. 


“The first phase of India’s ‘Look East’ policy (1992-2002) was ASEAN-centered (Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Viet Nam) and focused primarily on trade and investment linkages.


During this period India entered into a Sectoral Dialogue Partnership with ASEAN in 1992 which was upgraded to Full Dialogue Partner status in 1996, when India also joined the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF).


From 2002 India began holding annual India- ASEAN Summit level meetings. The Phase-2 began in 2003 expanding the definition of ‘East’, covering Australia, New Zealand, China, Japan and South Korea, with ASEAN at its core. Third Phase came in 2014 under PM Modi with Act East Policy (from security to trade). 


Conclusion


India-Southeast Asia relations are setting the tone of cultural diplomacy and the ideals of the new foundation of India’s foreign policy have been challenging the anarchic structures of the international system from its own standpoint and own ideals where civilization can converge over values rather than just interest.


In a recent India-ASEAN meet, External Affairs Minister, S Jaishankar summed up this relationship as “For us, political, economic and security cooperation with ASEAN is of the utmost priority. So too are people-to-people linkages, that we are constantly seeking to expand. It is encouraging to note that our partnership acquires ever more dimensions with each passing year. While our achievements are substantial, our ambitions must always remain high.”


Cultural diplomacy through civilization connection has brought India and Southeast Asia from where it all started. It has cemented the relationships from trade security and people-to-people contact.  Shared past helps reduce geography and create a new cultural space in relationships to build a common destiny. India-Southeast Asia relations is a paragon of such manifestation.


(The writer holds a PhD in International Studies from School of International Studies, JNU; views expressed here are his own)

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Return the ASEAN Sea to Southeast Asia

India, ASEAN nations to strengthen relations over post-covid recovery, commerce and connectivity.(photo:IN)

Geographically, the nomenclature ‘South China Sea’ makes no sense, as the territories comprising South China are not fronting the waters of that important waterway, writes Prof. Madhav Das Nalapat

In its relentless effort to ignore international law and expand its boundaries, the CCP (or Chinese Communist Party, as the organisation prefers to be known) uses any excuse that it can either locate or invent to justify such aggression. Sometime in the past, almost certainly as a consequence of other countries going by maps originating from within China, what ought to be known as the ASEAN Sea was named the South China Sea.

Geographically, such a characterisation makes no sense, as the territories comprising South China are not fronting the waters of that important waterway. Instead, it is countries comprising ASEAN that front its waters, which is why the term “ASEAN Sea” ought to be adopted by cartographers in place of “South China Sea”. Given the wariness that members of ASEAN barring the Philippines deal with CCP expansionism, it comes as no surprise that even that group of countries avoids the suggestion that the so-called “South China Sea” be more accurately renamed as the ASEAN Sea.

In fact, such a shift would be entirely consistent both with the facts as also with international law. Whenever the CCP talks of “upholding international law”, what that means in practice is the PRC doing whatever the CCP decides is in its interest, and ignoring any other consideration, including international law. After the Philippines succeeded in getting a verdict from the relevant international body that a swathe of ocean and island space was within its territorial rights, that judgment was swept aside by Beijing as being of no consequence. It is unfortunate that in effect, not just other members of ASEAN but the broader international community ignored the manner in which the PRC was trampling on international law in the matter.

In effecting a change in nomenclature of the nature suggested above, it is the US that ought to take the lead, and perhaps the day is not far off when the House of Representatives and the Senate votes affirmatively in favouring of giving the ASEAN Sea its correct name, and sends the legislation up to the President of the US for his signature. At the very least, such a move would draw more attention by major powers of the need to roll back the manner in which the PLA has sought to establish a chokehold over the ASEAN Sea. Should there be any blockage of commerce in that waterway by the PRC military, the same would constitute a hostile act towards the international community. It would need to be met with countervailing force so as to ensure that the waters of the sea remain open to all countries, including of course the PRC.

It needs to be said that in its response to the ongoing Cold War 2.0 with CCP-controlled China, the US establishment has been hesitant, almost timid, in a manner that is the opposite of its approach towards Cold War 1.0 with the USSR. The recent passage by the US Congress of legislation involving Tibet is an indication that such timidness may finally get replaced with an approach essential not to lose but to prevail in the new Cold War, just as took place in the previous Cold War. The CCP has taken away two-thirds of the territory of Tibet and affixed it to provinces in China. Hence the international community needs to ensure that maps produced within major democracies reflect the correct boundaries of Tibet rather than what the CCP claims to be the boundary of what it ironically terms the Tibetan Autonomous Region.

What is meant by the use of the term “autonomous” is that the region is governed autonomously from the Tibetan people. Indeed, the demographics of the whole of Tibet have been altered in a transparent effort to ensure that the Tibetan population gets reduced to a smaller and smaller minority in their own land, exactly as is happening in other parts of the PRC where ethnic minorities once formed the majority of the population. Mahatma Gandhi advised the British people to open their island to Hitler rather than resist him, for, in his view, Soul Force would ensure that the dictator of Germany during 1933-45 would undergo a conversion in his approach to humanity, and rediscover the humanity in himself.

Where Tibet is concerned, the gentle approach of His Holiness the XIV Dalai Lama of Tibet, since the exile of His Holiness in 1959, has been met not by reciprocity from the CCP but in a steady erosion of the territory, traditions and the very identity of Tibet. The flame of the ancient and wondrous culture of Tibet has however been continuing to give its light in Dharamshala, where His Holiness has been residing since 1959, a flame that is to the benefit of human civilisation. The CCP has insisted that His Holiness acknowledge the new, much diminished boundaries of Tibet before holding talks, a condition that it knows would be impossible for the Dalai Lama to accept.

Beijing, Jan. 1 (Xinhua) — Chinese President Xi Jinping, also general secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee and chairman of the Central Military Commission, delivers an important speech at the New Year gathering held by the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) in Beijing, capital of China, Dec. 31, 2020. (Xinhua/Ju Peng/IANS)

President Biden will need to sign into law the legislation on Tibet that has been passed in the US House of Representatives a short while ago, assuming the Senate stands by the Tibetan people in the way the House of Representatives have. Both the Senate and the White House are on test in the matter, and countries that are alarmed by PRC expansionism are looking to see whether Washington has the same resolve in the new, and deadlier, Cold War as was shown in the previous contest with the USSR.

People in the PRC have seen the way in which the economic situation has been worsening as a consequence of the aftershocks generated by the international and domestic aftershocks caused by the numerous acts of expansionism and other forms of aggression by the CCP leadership. Such aggression is entirely contrary to the innate culture of the Chinese people, yet so far, lack of resolve on the part of the US in particular has allowed the CCP free rein. Cold War 2.0 with the PRC requires even more of the same commitment and strength of will that was needed to win Cold War 1.0 with the Soviet Union. Giving the ASEAN Sea its rightful name would be a good way to strengthen the process of resisting rather than indulging CCP expansionism and contempt for international law.

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Jaishankar Wraps Up Southeast Asia Tour

Jaishankar thanked PM Ibrahim for his support in deepening bilateral ties under the India-Malaysia Enhanced Strategic Partnership….reports Asian Lite News

External Affairs Minister (EAM) S. Jaishankar on Thursday concluded his three-nation Southeast Asia tour, beginning March 23, to strengthen bilateral relations and engage on regional issues of mutual concern.

During his official visit from March 27-28, he paid a courtesy call to Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Bin Ibrahim and conveyed his greetings on behalf of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

He thanked PM Ibrahim for his support in deepening bilateral ties under the India-Malaysia Enhanced Strategic Partnership.

EAM Jaishankar met the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Utama Haji Mohamad Bin Haji Hasan, and the two leaders held wide-ranging discussions on bilateral cooperation including political, trade and economic, defence, digital, culture, and education.

They also exchanged views on issues of regional and global interest, following which EAM also met Gobind Singh Deo, Minister of Digital.

“Concluded my program in Malaysia by meeting Digital Minister @GobindSinghDeo. Discussed digital cooperation, including exchange of best practices and exploring business opportunities,” Dr Jaishankar said in a message on X.

During the visit, EAM held a round-table meeting with the CEOs and leaders of industry and interacted with members of the Indian diaspora in the country, praising their contribution towards India-Malaysia ties.

While addressing the diaspora, the EAM took on China for failing to uphold longstanding agreements with India just as he underscored the importance of normalising troop deployment at the India-China border.

As the EAM reached the Philippines, he addressed a press briefing in Manila alongside Enrique Manalo, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, extending India’s firm support following China’s “aggressive” action against Filipino navymen in the South China Sea.

He called on all countries to adhere to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) “in its entirety, both in letter and in spirit”.

EAM Jaishankar and Manalo discussed shared interests in ensuring maritime safety, given that the two nations contribute so much to the global shipping industry.

EAM Jaishankar met Bongbong Marcos, President of the Philippines, who lauded and thanked the Indian Navy and the government for their swift and decisive action in rescuing Filipino seafarers after they were attacked by Houthi rebels in the Gulf of Aden this month.

During his visit to Singapore from March 23-25, the EAM had several bilateral engagements with the leadership and senior Ministers of the Cabinet.

He called on Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and met the Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister, Lawrence Wong.

“Honoured to call on Prime Minister @leehsienloong at The Istana. Conveyed the personal greetings of PM @narendramodi. Valued his perspectives on the current state of the world,” the EAM wrote on X.

With Wong, the EAM exchanged views on deepening engagement in the identified pillars of our cooperation including fintech, digitalisation, green economy, skills development, and food security.

He also called on Singapore’s Indian-origin Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan with whom he “exchanged views on the Indo-Pacific and West Asia”.

“Reviewed the progress of our bilateral cooperation. Spoke about preparations for the next ISMR (India-Singapore Ministerial Roundtable) meeting. Discussed marking 60 years of our diplomatic ties,” Dr Jaishankar said.

Envisioned by Prime Minister Modi, the first ISMR between the two nations, seeking to “deepen existing cooperation and identifying opportunities for collaboration in new and emerging areas”, was held in 2022.

Following the inaugural meeting then, PM Modi conveyed his appreciation and hoped that initiatives like ISMR would help further strengthen the bilateral relations between the two countries.

ALSO READ: Jaishankar Seeks to Enhance India-Malaysia Cooperation

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Australia Sets Eyes On Southeast Asia

The strategy pinpointed ten key sectors with the greatest potential for economic expansion, encompassing agriculture and food, infrastructure, healthcare, education, and skill development….reports Asian Lite News

In a joint statement on Wednesday, Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese on Wednesday announced a new strategy to boost trade with Southeast Asia.

Albanese, Foreign Minister Penny Wong, Treasurer Jim Chalmers and Trade Minister Don Farrell released the joint statement announcing Australia’s Southeast Asia Economic Strategy to 2040, reports Xinhua news agency.

The blueprint, which was developed by Special Envoy for Southeast Asia Nicholas Moore, sets out how Australia will boost trade links with the region and makes 75 recommendations to grow partnerships with Asian nations.

It identified 10 priority sectors offering the most potential for economic growth, including agriculture and food, infrastructure, healthcare and education and skills.

The joint statement said the government has committed A$95.4 million ($60.8 million) in funding to support investment deal teams based in the region, a Southeast Asia business exchange program and placement and internship programs for young professionals.

“Southeast Asia’s fast-growing economies present a major opportunity for Australian business, but we haven’t kept pace with their exponential growth,” Albanese said.

“This strategy outlines how we can harness this growth, and seize the vast trade and investment opportunities our region presents.”

According to the strategy, Australia’s two-way trade with Southeast Asian countries was worth A$178 billion in 2022.

It also calls on the government to cut foreign investment barriers, fast-track visas and expand air links with Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand and Vietnam

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India spearheads QR payments in Southeast Asia

UPI.

India has topped the list of five countries in digital payments with 89.5 million digital transactions in 2022….reports Asian Lite News

Pioneered by India, QR Code payments to grow more than 590 per cent in the leading Southeast Asian market by 2028, a new report said on Monday.

According to Juniper Research, the volume of QR code payments in the Southeast Asian market will increase from 13 billion in 2023 to 90 billion in 2028.

“High growth in Southeast Asia and other developing markets is largely down to the financial inclusivity that QR payments offer; enabling unbanked users to access digital payments. Conversely, Western markets have seen very limited adoption; highlighting the global divide in QR payment markets,” the report said.

According to data from MyGovIndia, India has topped the list of five countries in digital payments with 89.5 million digital transactions in 2022.

Second, on the list is Brazil which amounted to 29.2 million transactions followed by China with 17.6 million transactions.

Moreover, the report found that the national QR payment schemes, including India’s UPI (Unified payments interface) and Brazil’s Pix, played a key role in encouraging market adoption, with their success driving the implementation of national schemes in 2023 in Kenya and Bangladesh.

However, it found significant growth to market volume will come from cross-border interoperability within Southeast Asian markets.

Meanwhile, UPI transactions rose manifolds between 2018 and 2022 in terms of value as well as volume, by 1,320 per cent and 1,876 per cent, respectively, in India.

In 2018, UPI transactions in terms of volume stood at 374.63 crore, which went up by 1,876 per cent to 7,403.97 crore in 2022.

In terms of value, the UPI transactions were Rs 5.86 lakh crore in 2018, which went up by 1,320 per cent to Rs 83.2 lakh crore in 2022.

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India’s maritime expansion in Southeast Asia

In the evolving strategic rivalries of the Indo-Pacific region, Southeast Asia is playing a key role and China is seeing the challenges rising to its activities. Therefore, expansion of Indian maritime footprint in the region is a necessity to keep the strategic balance in the region, writes Sankalp Gurjar

Southeast Asia is at the heart of the Indo-Pacific region. ASEAN-centrality is the accepted principle of Indo-Pacific strategies of most countries. The maritime region stretching from the Andaman Sea in the West to South China Sea in the East links the Indian Ocean with the Pacific Ocean and a number of maritime chokepoints lie in this region.

For China, the region is key in venturing out in the Indian Ocean and therefore, it seeks access and facilities in this region as seen in its efforts to modernize the Ream port in Cambodia. Ream is likely to emerge as a de-facto Chinese base in Southeast Asia. However, China is not the only player in the Southeast Asian strategic landscape. Other key powers like India, Japan and the United States (US) are also becoming active in Southeast Asia to regain their pre-eminence.

As a result, the region is experiencing the strategic contestation between China on the one hand and India, Japan, and the US on the other. India is engaging with Southeast Asian countries in a bilateral as well as regional setting and maritime security is a key focus area for India-Southeast Asia strategic relationship. A spate of recent naval activities by New Delhi indicates the growing maritime footprint of India in the Southeast Asian waters.

The most visible manifestation of India’s growing role in maritime Southeast Asia has been the India-ASEAN maritime Exercises (AIME). They took place in two phases: first, near the strait of Malacca and second, in the South China Sea. Given the maritime disputes between China and five ASEAN countries (Vietnam, Philippines, Brunei, Indonesia, and Malaysia) in the SCS and the Chinese desire to dominate the South China Sea, AIME did not go down well in Beijing. China sent a flotilla of maritime militia through the ships that were participating in the AIME in the South China Sea phase. However, despite the Chinese reactions, to maintain the balance of power in the region and ensure the freedom of navigation and overflight, it is necessary to make exercises like AIME a routine affair.

Besides AIME, in this month, Indian naval warships launched coordinated patrols with Thailand, paid a port visit to Sihanoukville in Cambodia and exercised with the Indonesian navy. Of these three, Thailand and Indonesia are maritime neighbours of India and exercises with both have been aimed to foster interoperability, jointness and mutual cooperation. These countries are located near the geopolitically significant strait of Malacca. It is a lifeline for East Asian economies and China has been worried about the ‘Malacca Dilemma’.

Even though the co-ordinated patrols between India and Thailand have been going on since 2005, the changing regional strategic scenario increases their importance. Same holds true for India-Indonesia bilateral naval exercises named as ‘Samudra Shakti’ (translation: sea power). These exercises have been taking place since 2018 and signal the growing strategic convergence between India and Indonesia. In 2018, India signed an agreement to develop the port of Sabang in Indonesia near the strait of Malacca and China had reacted to that news with anger and bitterness.

Interestingly, India-Thailand patrol was focused on the Andaman Sea while India-Indonesia exercises took place in the South China Sea. Given the strategic importance of the South China Sea, India had deployed Dornier maritime patrol aircraft as well. The Indian Navy press statement about the India-Indonesia exercises notes that these drills will showcase ‘their shared commitment towards peace and stability in the region’. In this formulation, it is hard to miss the unstated but underlying reference to the Chinese behaviour in the South China Sea and its destabilizing impact on regional security.

Meanwhile, as China enjoys considerable influence in Phnom Penh, it is necessary to engage Cambodia and make efforts to wean it off from the Chinese orbit. The country is reeling under Chinese debt. Cambodia’s foreign debt stands at almost $ 10 billion and of which, it owes 41% to China. Therefore, Phnom Penh is under considerable Chinese influence and has been seen as one of the most pro-China Southeast Asian states. In this context, players like India and the US need to take steps to bring Cambodia out of the Chinese sphere of influence and diversify its strategic partners. The port visit to Sihanoukville by Indian naval warships point in that direction.

Last year, India sold BrahMos missiles to the Philippines. It was a show of intent on India’s part. Now, with the series of activities, New Delhi is expanding its naval footprint in Southeast Asia. In the evolving strategic rivalries of the Indo-Pacific region, Southeast Asia is playing a key role and China is seeing the challenges rising to its activities. Therefore, expansion of Indian maritime footprint in the region is a necessity to keep the strategic balance in the region. It helps to protect India’s interests as well as increases its influence. In the process, India-Southeast Asia relationship is deepening.

Eastern Indian Ocean

The Eastern Indian Ocean (EIO) is witnessing the increasing military presence of China. Two recent developments are significant in this regard: first, China’s People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) has recently conducted maiden naval exercises with Cambodia.

It points to the strengthening of China-Cambodia defence ties. Moreover, China is upgrading and modernizing the infrastructure at the port of Ream in Cambodia, located on the Gulf of Thailand. As per reports, it includes a new command centre, meeting and dining halls, as well as medical outposts. A drydock, slipway, and two new piers will also be constructed. China will also undertake dredging to prepare the port for hosting larger vessels, presumably naval warships. China is deeply invested in Cambodia including through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the foothold at Ream will increase Beijing’s ability to project power in maritime Southeast Asia.

The second important development was about the likelihood of China developing military facilities on the Great Coco Islands of Myanmar. Taken together, India’s China challenge is set to intensify in the EIO.

The EIO is at the heart of the Indo-Pacific region. It links the Western Indian Ocean with the Western Pacific Ocean. The countries of Southeast Asia and Australia are located along the EIO. The sea lanes passing through the EIO facilitates the trade as well as naval presence of East Asian countries including China in the wider Indian Ocean region. The straits of Malacca, Sunda, Makassar, and Lombok are becoming increasingly important in this regard. In fact, for the last two decades, China has remained worried about the ‘Malacca Dilemma’ as the majority of its energy imports pass through the strategically located waterway. It fears that the hostile powers will cut off its access to the strait of Malacca and will be able to put pressure on China. Therefore, Beijing has vehemently objected to India’s plans to develop the port of Sabang in Indonesia. It worries that the foothold at Sabang and the strategic position of India’s Andaman and Nicobar Islands, where New Delhi is fast-developing military infrastructure, near the strait of Malacca will worsen the situation for China.

As a result, China has been frantically making efforts to overcome the ‘Malacca Dilemma’. Overland energy pipelines via Central Asia and Russia are aimed at alleviating this problem. Moreover, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and China-Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC) also include the network of energy pipelines that will help reduce the dependence on the strait of Malacca. These pipelines will directly bring supplies to mainland China. CMEC is more critical in this regard as it connects Yunnan province in southern China to the Bay of Bengal. The problem of dependence on the strait of Malacca provides a strategic rationale behind China’s attempts to increase and regularize its maritime military presence in the EIO. It seeks to ensure the security of its energy supply. In addition, China with its rapidly growing naval fleet, feels confident enough to venture out into the Indian Ocean and familiarize itself with the complex operating environment. The regular naval forays far away from the shores also help in training crews for longer-range deployments.

The intensification of military ties with Cambodia and Myanmar serves China’s multiple interests. First, for China, the regular naval exercises, military supplies, and port visits along with the access to strategically important locations like the Great Cocos Island and Ream naval base will help deepen the already close military-to-military ties with Myanmar and Cambodia. These two countries are acutely dependent on Chinese economic, diplomatic, and military support. In the wake of the military coup in Myanmar, the regime finds itself globally isolated and therefore, just like the 1990s, China’s influence is steadily growing in Myanmar. With Cambodia, its ties with the US have soured. At Ream, Cambodia has demolished the structures built by the US and even refused to allow Washington to repair the port facilities. In the vacuum, China has entered.

Second, the strategic location of these countries will be useful for China to establish a firm foothold in the EIO. The foothold in Cambodia and Myanmar will help Beijing keep a careful watch on the strategic activities of India in the region. It could monitor India’s expanding naval movements in the EIO more closely, and track missile tests conducted in the Bay of Bengal. In fact, there were rumours that in the 1990s, China had established a tracking facility at the Great Cocos Islands in Myanmar for precisely this purpose. A foothold in Myanmar and Cambodia will increase the strategic reach and presence of the PLAN. With the network of bases from East Africa (Djibouti), South Asia (Gwadar in Pakistan) to Southeast Asia (Ream in Cambodia), PLAN will be able to stay longer in the Indian Ocean and protect the interests of China.

Third, burgeoning ties with these two poor, authoritarian, and globally-isolated countries help Beijing to break the unity of ASEAN countries and sow discord over the issue of maritime disputes in the South China Sea. It weakens the resolve of Southeast Asian countries and countries like Vietnam and Philippines, that are locked in a dispute with China in the South China Sea, find it more difficult to deal with an assertive China. Sensing this, the Philippines is deepening its military ties with the United States (US). The recent agreement to allow the US access to four more bases in the Philippines and the decision to purchase BrahMos cruise missiles from India have to be seen in this context.

Beijing’s steadily expanding strategic activities in the EIO will further worsen India’s China challenge. The role of Andaman and Nicobar Islands in India’s Indo-Pacific strategy has never been as important as it has become now.

[Sankalp Gurjar is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Geopolitics and International Relations, Manipal Academy of Higher Education, Udupi, India. He is the author of The Superpowers’ Playground: Djibouti and Geopolitics in the Indo-Pacific in the 21st Century (Routledge: 2023)]

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UK announces pact to strengthen ties with Southeast Asia

Minister Milling co-chaired the ASEAN-UK Post-Ministerial Conference today (4 August), the first since the UK became an ASEAN Dialogue Partner…reports Asian Lite News

Minister for Asia, Amanda Milling has visited Cambodia this week and announced a milestone agreement on a range of issues with influential countries in Southeast Asia.

The new Plan of Action will deepen cooperation on trade and investment, defence and security – including maritime security and cyber – as well as climate change, girls’ education, digital and science and technology.

As part of the agreement, the UK will scale-up development and security links in Southeast Asia, opening a regional British International Investment (BII) office in Singapore later this year to invest up to £500 million in the Indo-Pacific. The UK is also offering training for countries in the region on security issues and maritime law, including from the Royal Navy.

This week Cambodia is hosting foreign ministers and representatives from ASEAN countries – the Association of Southeast Asian Nations – Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.

Minister for Asia Amanda Milling said, “The UK continues to deepen our economic ties and strengthen our security partnerships with these fast-growing economies in Southeast Asia. Practical measures including opening a new BII office in Singapore to boost investment and providing training on security and maritime law demonstrate our ongoing commitment to the region and increased engagement in the Indo-Pacific.”

Minister Milling co-chaired the ASEAN-UK Post-Ministerial Conference today (4 August), the first since the UK became an ASEAN Dialogue Partner. The UK’s Dialogue Partner status, the first ASEAN has agreed to in 25 years, was formalised in August 2021 and an important part to the UK’s tilt towards the Indo-Pacific.

Closer ties with the Southeast Asia bloc will help create green jobs, reinforce our security cooperation, promote tech and science partnerships, and safeguard key pillars of international law like the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.

The Minister also announced that InfraCo Asia, which the UK supports through its funding to the Private Infrastructure Development Group, is providing a $2.3 million loan to support the development of Cambodia’s water supply network.

During the meeting, Minister Milling made clear that Russia’s unprovoked, premeditated and barbaric attack against the sovereign democratic state of Ukraine remains in the hearts of the British people and the UK stands united with international partners in condemning the Russian government’s reprehensible actions.

On Myanmar, Minister Milling strongly condemned the recent appalling and barbaric executions of pro-democracy activists by the Myanmar junta. She reiterated the UK continues to support ASEAN’s Five Point Consensus on Myanmar and the urgent need for an immediate end to the violence and for a peaceful solution to the crisis.

Since becoming Dialogue Partner, the UK invited ASEAN to be represented at the G7 Foreign Ministers last December and during the global COVID-19 pandemic, donated 4.3 million doses of COVID-19 vaccines to ASEAN members and contributed £1 million to the COVID-19 ASEAN Response Fund.

The UK also recently signed an MoU with the Asian Development Bank to support ASEAN states to invest in green infrastructure through a £107 million trust fund to support the ASEAN Catalytic Green Finance Facility.

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