This year’s report is once again conspicuous by its lack of objectivity and politicization of the international human rights agenda, it added…reports Asian Lite News
Pakistan has “categorically” rejected a report by the US State Department over the human rights violations in the country last year, saying that only a “politically motivated report can ignore the alarming situation in Gaza”.
“It is deeply concerning that a report purported to highlight human rights situations around the world ignores or downplays the most urgent hotspots of gross human rights violations such as in Gaza,” Pakistan’s Foreign Ministry said in a statement released late Thursday.
Titled “2023 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Pakistan,” the contents of the report are unfair, based on inaccurate information and are completely divorced from the ground reality, the ministry said.
This year’s report is once again conspicuous by its lack of objectivity and politicization of the international human rights agenda, it added.
“It clearly demonstrates double standards thus undermining the international human rights discourse,” according to the ministry.
Issued on April 22, the US State Department’s report stated that there were no significant changes in the human rights situation in Pakistan over the past year.
It said that the Pakistani government intimidates or seeks reprisal against individuals beyond its borders, including civil society activists, human rights defenders, and journalists.
The report also claimed that successive Pakistani governments tacitly approved enforced disappearances.
The Indus Water Treaty (IWT), despite being hailed as a successful mechanism in managing water disputes between India and Pakistan for decades, faces significant challenges in adapting to the evolving circumstances of the present day. The treaty’s failure to address the distribution of water, accommodate the impacts of climate change, incorporate technological advancements, and provide an efficient dispute resolution process raises concerns about its relevance … writes Dr Trilok Sharma
The Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) is a landmark water-sharing agreement between India and Pakistan that was brokered by the World Bank and signed on 19 September 1960. The treaty emerged against the backdrop of strained relations between the two countries and aimed to address water disputes related to the shared Indus River Basin which is crucial for the food and water security of both nations. The treaty designated specific rivers for each country’s unrestricted use, with the western rivers i.e. The Indus, Jhelum and Chenab Rivers allocated for Pakistan’s sole use while the eastern rivers i.e. The Sutlej, Ravi and Beas Rivers allocated for India’s exclusive usage.
Despite being celebrated as one of the world’s most effective treaties that has withstood wars, hostility and tensioned diplomatic relations, many experts have noted its obsolete provisions and their implications on present-day affairs. While India seeks negotiations for the amendment of the IWT vide its Notice of Amendment served on 25 January 2023, Pakistan has remained opposed to the idea.
Experts state that since the inception of the IWT, there have been several fundamental changes in circumstances which merit diplomatic discussion for amendment of the IWT. In essence, the circumstances that existed at the time of concluding the IWT have changed so fundamentally that the assumptions on which the said treaties were concluded no longer hold true.
While international treaties operate under the pacta sunt servanda rule which bind the state, its entities and citizens to the terms of the convention, the doctrine of rebus sic stantibus enshrined under Article 62 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties is an exception whereby an unforeseen fundamental change of circumstances is a ground for terminating a treaty if it affects the essential basis or radically transforms obligations of a treaty. In past, this principle has led to the withdrawal of Italy, Russia and Australia from the Energy Charter Treaty.
Source-Wikipedia
Fundamental Change of Circumstances under the Indus Water Treaty
The IWT fails to distribute water and address the Indus River Basin as a whole
At present, the IWT does not distribute water between the countries but merely allocates rivers for usage of each country. It offers geo-physical partition of the river system itself instead of addressing the joint development and water management of the Indus River Basin, a stark deflection from customary international law norms. It can be seen that Article 9 of the Treaty provides that consultations may be held when a question arises over the interpretation or application of the IWT, but it fails to cater to disputes arising out of or in relation to the Indus River Basin itself. This simplistic approach lacks cooperative sharing of water, creating ecological and social consequences that require deliberation.
The IWT fails to accommodate climate change
During the year 2015, NASA ranked the Indus River Basin as the world’s second-most over-stressed aquifer. Since glaciers are the biggest contributors of water to the Indus River, global warming and climate change will negatively impact water availability in the river basin. While initially, water levels may increase with rapid melting (creating flood risks), over time, the river basin is likely to dry up.
The IWT makes no provisions for regulation of water-flows in events of sudden heavy discharge due to melting glaciers. A discussion on this aspect and an agreement thereon is essential as the incidence of catastrophic floods are on the rise not only in the lower riparian state of Pakistan but also on the Indian side. Similarly, the risk of flooding due to events like sudden glacial melts or cloud bursts significantly increases the risk of flooding on both sides.
A 2011 study on climate changes in the Hindu Kush Himalaya Region found a link between higher streamflow in the upper Indus Basin and increased mean and maximum temperatures, especially in winter and spring. It was also noted that significant depletion of groundwaters has been observed in the Indus Basin of Pakistan, highlighting another aspect that has not been addressed under the IWT. In recent years, the decrease in downstream discharge to the sea, attributed to irrigation canals and dams, has led to 5 times fewer sediments downstream, impacting natural water regimes and soil nutrient composition.
While at first there is likely to be a clear increase in the river flows, over time the total quantity of water flowing through the rivers will substantially decline. It is projected that the climate change-related threats can reduce Indus River flows by as much as 30–40% in the future. In the backdrop of rise in population, it poses increased pressure on the water resources of the basin, which can have serious adverse impacts on the regional peace and security.
The treaty fails to accommodate technological advancements in Infrastructure
The IWT has received criticism for being overly technical. The IWT puts strong limitations on structures with movable gates to manage storage upstream. This is ineffective given to the seasonal flow of the Indus River Basin rivers, which carry high silt loads. The IWT also fails to accommodate technological advancements in water management construction solutions like digital water management and flood management technology that facilitate monitoring, forecasting, and catastrophe modelling. Pakistan has used the treaty not to resolve differences over designs, but to escalate them to the level of disputes which delays the Indian projects, adding to their cost and affecting their techno-economic viability.
Unlike Pakistan’s literal interpretation of the IWT’s technical annexures, Indian engineers focus on the criteria for techno-economic viable project designs. For instance, objections raised by Pakistan about the Baglihar Project’s design changes in 1999, seven years after its initiation in 1992. Despite being viewed as India’s attempt to gain leverage, the alterations were crucial for the project’s techno-economic viability; Pakistan objected to various design elements such as pondage levels, dam outlets and turbines, claiming that such designs were violative of the IWT. India, however, stated that all designs and calculations were in accordance with the provisions of the IWT.
Interestingly, India utilizes about 94% of its 20% share (40.7 billion cubic meters) from the total Indus River supply of 207.2 billion cubic meters. However, the remaining 6% remains unused and flows to Pakistan. Despite having the right to create a storage capacity of up to 3.6 million acre-feet on western rivers, India has not built any storage capacity as of 2021. Out of the estimated 20,000 megawatts power potential from western river projects, only 3,482 MW has been constructed.
The IWT fails to provide an adequate dispute resolution Process for current times
India’s Secretary for Water Resources Ramaswamy Iyer noted that the IWT gave Pakistan “virtually a veto power over Indian projects on the western rivers, which Pakistan tends to exercise in a stringent rather than accommodating fashion. ” The Neutral Expert appointed at the time, while accepting some concerns from both sides, emphasised the need to incorporate state-of-the-art technology for optimum utilisation and recognized India’s right to utilize waters of the western rivers more effectively within the ambit of the IWT.
The broken-down dispute settlement mechanism in the IWT
The dispute resolution procedure provided in the IWT has raised several complaints from experts for being inefficient and ambiguous; besides being a primitive form of dispute resolution catering to outdated circumstances, India claimed the misuse of the three-tier graded mechanism as enshrined in the IWT by Pakistan through its Notice of Amendment of the Treaty on 25 January 2023.
In 2016, Islamabad retracted its request to the World Bank to appoint a Neutral Expert and proposed the commencement of proceedings before a tribunal under the aegis of the Permanent Court of Arbitration to decide the disputes pertaining to India’s Kishenganga and Ratle Hyrdo Projects. Amid India’s request for a Neutral Expert under the IWT provisions, Pakistan’s unilateral action apparently violates the graded dispute resolution mechanism outlined in Article IX of the IWT. The initiation of two simultaneous processes on the same questions with the potential of their inconsistent or contradictory outcomes creates an unprecedented and legally untenable situation. Interestingly, the World Bank accepted both request and initiated action through the Neutral Expert and Court of Arbitration in March 2022. Not only do the parallel proceedings allow a party to raise the same claims in multiple forums i.e. multiple recoveries of same damages, it also creates inconsistencies in decisions rendered by multiple platforms.
In response to India’s concern over the parallel proceedings, the World Bank stated that the two mechanisms are independent. The IWT vests the authority in both mechanisms to determine their own jurisdiction and competence as well as the power to decide on their rules of procedure. The World Bank’s view raises concerns about the effectiveness and conflict of decisions made by the Neutral Expert and the Court of Arbitration. This ambiguity may lead to disputes regarding which decision will take precedence over the other.
Additionally, the role of the World Bank has garnered dissatisfaction; against popular view, the World Bank clarified that it was “not a guarantor of the treaty” and was merely a conflict resolver. It stated that the IWT does not empower the World Bank to decide whether one procedure would take precedence over the other under the graded mechanism. It was merely tasked with fulfilling its procedural obligations with respect to appointing both the Court of Arbitration and the Neutral Expert.
The Indus Water Treaty, despite being hailed as a successful mechanism in managing water disputes between India and Pakistan for decades, faces significant challenges in adapting to the evolving circumstances of the present day. The treaty’s failure to address the distribution of water, accommodate the impacts of climate change, incorporate technological advancements, and provide an efficient dispute resolution process raises concerns about its relevance. The changing ecological and geopolitical landscape, coupled with the dissatisfaction of affected populations, evolving technological capabilities and the looming threat of climate change underscores the need for a comprehensive reassessment of the IWT on the basis of circumstances that exist 63 years after the treaty was entered into. A mutual renegotiation would be the most appropriate course of action instead of a prolonged legal battle with little or no enforceability of outcomes.
Pakistani Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif speaks in an interaction with foreign media in Islamabad, Pakistan, Aug. 30, 2022. (Photo by Ahmad Kamal/Xinhua/IANS)
It seems that the rising crime rate and the increasing inflation have a direct relationship …. Writes Dr Sakariya Kareem
Pakistan’s growing lawlessness is often becoming evident from quirky incidents like the recent robbery that took place in Punjab where two underage boys posed as wedding guests and left with money, mobile phones and other valuables from the venue by switching off the power.
The robbers looted in the darkness of the wedding hall, an episode hinting at the plight of common people in the country and the desperation of the youth.
They even did not leave the bride’s purse before escaping the venue. The wallet, media reports in Pakistan said, contained not just an expensive mobile phone but nearly two million in cash.
A flood-affected woman prepares food in Jamshoro district in Pakistan’s Sindh province on Sept. 8, 2022. (Str/Xinhua/IANS)
It seems that the financially struggling Pakistan and rising inflation rates are behind the uptick in crimes.
One of the focal points of crime in Pakistan remains Karachi.
More than 250 Karachiites were shot dead and 1,052 others were wounded by street criminals between 2022 and March 28, 2024, data presented before a high-level security meeting in Pakistan showed as quoted by Dawn News.
Police sources told Dawn News that a significant increase in violent street crimes was registered over the past three years.
They said before 2022 the number of people killed by muggers stood at around 30, but the figure increased manifold when a total of 111 citizens were killed by muggers in the 12 months of 2022.
Senior police officials rightly attributed the increase in violent street crimes to skyrocketing inflation and growing economic difficulties in the last three years.
The developments reflected that people were losing hope in the police and other administrators.
Former CPLC chief Sharafuddin Memon told Dawn that citizens had also lost confidence in law enforcers and started resisting robbers.
The spiking crime scenario of the country is evident from details obtained by The Express Tribune in January which showed rate of incidence of crimes like theft, robbery, mobile snatching, kidnapping for ransom, and sexual violence has registered a 15 to 30 per cent spike during the past five years across multiple cities in Punjab.
Lahore ranks number one with the highest number of reported cases, followed by Gujranwala, Sheikupura, Multan, Faisalabad, and Rawalpindi.
Inflation crisis
It seems that the rising crime rate and the increasing inflation have a direct relationship.
In its recent observation, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has put Pakistan’s economic growth forecast unchanged at 2% but increased the inflation projection to nearly 25% for this fiscal year.
The recent report of a jobless man killing his family in Pakistan highlights how unemployment undermines Pakistan
A desperate man in Pakistan this April in the month of Ramadan killed his wife and seven children with a grass-cutting cleaver in the Mud Wala area within the premises of Saddar Police Station in Alipur district of Muzaffargarh in Punjab province, before surrendering himself to the police.
According to local media reports, the horrific event is believed to be driven by poverty and joblessness which has become a rising threat to the country’s population, especially the graduate youths.
According to experts, factors such as rapid population growth, a lack of quality education, economic instability, and insufficient job opportunities contribute to the high unemployment rate in Pakistan, and the consequences of unemployment include poverty, social unrest, increased crime rates, and a decline in overall economic growth.
The Express Tribune quoting Asian Development Bank (ADB) reported that Pakistan has the highest living cost in all of Asia with a 25% inflation rate and its economy may grow at the fourth lowest pace of 1.9% in the region. report.
The report said the Asian Development Outlook also painted a gloomy picture for the next fiscal year as well, projecting 15% inflation rate which will be the highest among 46 countries.
‘Pakistan has reported 1,415 cases of blasphemy since 1947’
Blasphemy accusations in Pakistan have not only ensnared common citizens but have also claimed the lives of ministers and prominent figures. The brutal murders of Punjab’s Governor SalmaanTaseer and Federal Minister Shahbaz Bhatti in 2011 vividly illustrate the extreme consequences associated with these accusations … writes Dr.Jalis Akhtar Nasiri
Pakistan’s blasphemy laws represent a contentious nexus between religious zealotry, legal stringency, and societal upheaval. Ranked as the World’s second-strictest after Iran, these laws embody a myriad of contradictions and controversies that have garnered international attention and condemnation. In a context where 32 Muslim-majority nations criminalize blasphemy, Pakistan’s stance stands out for its severity, carrying the death penalty but with no executions under these charges. This disparity highlights not just legal incongruities but also the stark realities of accusations and their repercussions in society. The narratives of blasphemy cases, often stemming from trivial disputes or personal vendettas, paint a picture of arbitrary justice and rampant misuse of legal provisions. High-profile cases like Aasia Bibi’s and Rimsha Masih’s have become symbols of the perils faced by those accused, extending to their families and legal defenders. This intertwining of blasphemy with political agendas and religious fervour has fostered a climate of fear, intolerance, and vigilante violence.”
This critical analysis delves into the heart of Pakistan’s blasphemy quagmire, dissecting legal ambiguities, societal ramifications, and the urgent need for reform in a nation grappling with the legacy of its founding principles amidst escalating tensions and human rights concerns. It’s not just the accused individuals who suffer; their families, legal representatives, and even judges involved in these cases face targeted threats and violence. What exacerbates this already dire situation is the underlying power struggle within Pakistan’s religious landscape. The quest to assert oneself as the authentic representative of Sunni Islam has weaponized blasphemy allegations, turning them into potent tools in the realm of politics.
The statistics paint a grim picture: by 2023, over 50 people remained in custody on blasphemy charges, with vigilante mobs taking matters into their own hands. The methods of extrajudicial punishment are barbaric, ranging from public burnings and hangings to gruesome murders on the streets and even within courtrooms. This stark reality sheds light on the systemic flaws and human rights violations that have become alarmingly commonplace in Pakistan’s approach to blasphemy accusations.
Blasphemy accusations in Pakistan have not only ensnared common citizens but have also claimed the lives of ministers and prominent figures. The brutal murders of Punjab’s Governor SalmaanTaseer and Federal Minister Shahbaz Bhatti in 2011 vividly illustrate the extreme consequences associated with these accusations. Taseer, an advocate for minor revisions to the Blasphemy Ordinance and a supporter of Aasia Bibi, was assassinated by his own bodyguard, Malik Mumtaz Hussain Qadri. Bhatti, similarly targeted for his concerns about blasphemy-related violence, fell victim to unidentified terrorists. These tragic events underscore the lethal impact of blasphemy laws and the volatile climate surrounding them in Pakistan.
Historical Context: Origins and Evolution of Blasphemy Laws
The genesis of Pakistan’s blasphemy laws traces back to the colonial era, specifically to British rule in the Indian subcontinent. Initially introduced in 1860, the blasphemy laws were enshrined in the Indian Penal Code (IPC) as four distinct provisions: IPC 295, 296, 297, and 298. In the landmark 1927 case of Ilm-ud-Din, where a Muslim carpenter murdered Mahashe Rajpal over a perceived insult to Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) in the book “RangilaRasul,” marked a significant turning point. Ilm-ud-Din’s execution for his act set a precedent for the severity with which blasphemy cases would be handled.
Post-independence in 1947, Pakistan retained these laws inherited from British colonial rule. However, it was during General ZiaulHaq’s regime in the 1980s that the blasphemy laws were further fortified with Clauses 295-B and 295-C in the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC). Clause 295-B prescribed life imprisonment for Quran desecration, while Clause 295-C imposed the death penalty or life imprisonment for derogatory remarks against the Prophet (PBUH), accompanied by fines.
Perpetuating Injustice: The Dilemma of Blasphemy Accusations
Despite the historical context, contemporary Pakistan grapples with the repercussions of these stringent blasphemy laws. The cases of Aasia Bibi and RimshaMasih highlight the arbitrary nature of accusations, often stemming from trivial incidents such as water disputes or innocuous actions like sharing a picture on social media. The trials of these individuals, along with countless others, have been marred by violence, threats, and intimidation targeting not only the accused but also their families, legal representatives, and even judiciary members.
The political dimension adds further complexity to blasphemy accusations, with individuals like Taseer and Bhatti becoming casualties of their advocacy for legal reforms and human rights in the face of blasphemy-related violence. This nexus of religion, politics, and law creates a volatile environment where accusations can lead to extrajudicial killings and mob violence, bypassing due process and undermining the rule of law.
Legal Rigidity and Human Rights Concerns
Pakistan’s blasphemy laws, while purportedly aimed at safeguarding religious sentiments, have raised significant human rights concerns. The imposition of severe penalties, including capital punishment, for blasphemy-related offenses has led to widespread abuse and misuse of these laws. The lack of safeguards against false accusations and the absence of due process exacerbate the vulnerabilities faced by individuals accused of blasphemy, often resulting in arbitrary detention and violations of their fundamental rights.
The case of indefinite pre-trial detention, where individuals spend years in jail awaiting trial on blasphemy charges, highlights the systemic flaws and injustices within Pakistan’s legal framework. Despite the Supreme Court occasionally granting bail in such cases, the damage inflicted by prolonged detention and societal stigma is irreparable, reflecting a broader pattern of injustice and discrimination.
International Scrutiny and Calls for Reform
The international community has closely monitored Pakistan’s blasphemy laws, expressing concerns over human rights violations and the erosion of freedom of expression and belief. Organizations and advocates worldwide have called for reforms to ensure fair and impartial handling of blasphemy cases, with emphasis on protecting the rights of the accused and upholding principles of justice and due process.Efforts to reform blasphemy laws, however, face significant challenges within Pakistan, where religious sensitivities, political interests, and societal pressures converge to resist changes perceived as undermining religious sanctity. The influence of extremist groups and the risk of vigilantism further complicate reform initiatives, creating a formidable barrier to achieving meaningful legal reform in this contentious area.
Towards a Just and Equitable System
Addressing the complexities surrounding blasphemy laws in Pakistan requires a multifaceted approach that balances respect for religious beliefs with the protection of individual rights and freedoms. Key stakeholders, including government authorities, legal experts, civil society, and religious leaders, must engage in constructive dialogue to explore avenues for reform that uphold the rule of law, ensure due process, and prevent abuse of blasphemy laws for personal or political agendas.
Educational initiatives promoting tolerance, understanding, and respect for diverse beliefs can help mitigate the prevalence of blasphemy accusations rooted in ignorance or prejudice. Strengthening legal safeguards, including robust mechanisms for investigating accusations and protecting the rights of the accused, is imperative to prevent miscarriages of justice and uphold the principles of fairness and equity.
Conclusion: A Call for Reflection and Action
The discourse surrounding blasphemy laws in Pakistan is emblematic of broader societal challenges related to religious tolerance, rule of law, and human rights. The tragic consequences of these laws, as seen in cases of violence, injustice, and loss of life, underscore the urgent need for meaningful reform and introspection within Pakistani society.
As Pakistan navigates the complexities of its legal and religious setting, it must strive towards a system that upholds the fundamental rights and dignity of all individuals, regardless of their beliefs or backgrounds. Only through a concerted effort to promote justice, fairness, and inclusivity can Pakistan pave the way towards a more just and equitable society for its citizens and contribute positively to the global discourse on religious freedom and human rights.
(Dr.Jalis Akhtar Nasiri is an eminent scholar and journalist who contributes articles on significant humanitarian issues)
PM Shehbaz ordered the removal of identified officers from their respective posts and initiated disciplinary proceedings against them…reports Asian Lite News
PM Shehbaz Sharif directed a meeting on Friday, reiterating his resolve to purge the country of smuggling and instructing relevant authorities to accelerate the nationwide drive against the menace, The Express Tribune reported.
During the meeting, the PM commended Chief of Army Staff (COAS) General Syed Asim Munir for his steadfast cooperation with the government’s anti-smuggling efforts.
According to the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), a committee report headed by AD Khawaja was presented during the meeting, which stated that “the committee identified the elements involved in the misuse of Afghan Transit Trade for smuggling and the officers facilitating them,” as per The Express Tribune.
The PM was informed that a list of smugglers, hoarders, and their facilitating officers had been forwarded to law enforcement agencies and provincial governments.
Following this, PM Shehbaz ordered the removal of identified officers from their respective posts and initiated disciplinary proceedings against them.
Further, he urged the law enforcement agencies (LEAs) and intelligence agencies to cooperate with each other to curb the smuggling.
According to The Express Tribune , Shehbaz Sharif urged for strict penalties against smugglers and drug dealers, instructing the law ministry to promptly enact essential legislation for this
Emphasising a zero-tolerance approach towards individuals involved in embezzling public funds and their accomplices, PM Shehbaz emphasised the necessity of creating alternate avenues for income generation and fostering a supportive environment for youth residing in border regions.
He underscored the importance of enhanced and efficient surveillance of the sale and smuggling of Afghan transit trade goods within the nation and called for a third-party audit of the monitoring system.
PM Shehbaz ordered the complete elimination of sugar smuggling and the immediate release of funds to examine the prevalence of drug consumption at the national level.
The meeting was briefed on smuggling, misuse of Afghan Transit Trade, drugs, as well as sugar, wheat, fertiliser, petroleum products, and illegal weapons.
Following consultations with stakeholders, it was revealed that a comprehensive national anti-smuggling strategy was in its final stages and will soon be presented for approval.
Additionally, attendees were briefed on recent law enforcement actions, including a recent raid on a smuggled goods warehouse in Mastung, resulting in the seizure of merchandise valued at over (Pakistani currency) PKR 10 billion.
Prime Minister Shehbaz lauded the swift actions of law enforcement agencies in combating smuggling.
Federal ministers Syed Mohsin Raza Naqvi, Jam Kamal Khan, Ahad Khan Cheema, Rana Tanweer Hussain, Musaddik Malik, Azam Nazeer Tarar, the Chairman of the Federal Board of Revenue, the Attorney General, personnel from law enforcement agencies, and senior officers were also present at the meeting. (ANI)
The court stressed the importance of decorum, suggesting addressing the media after the hearing, to which Khan stated that the jail administration removes the media from the courtroom after the hearing…reports Asian Lite News
The Islamabad accountability court has accepted the requests for the medical examination of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) founder and former prime minister Imran Khan and his wife, Bushra Bibi, and directed Bushra Bibi’s endoscopy in a private hospital within two days, The Express Tribune reported.
The decision was made during a hearing presided by Accountability Court Judge Nasir Javed Rana at Adiala Jail regarding the 190 million-pound scam reference.
Further, in an official post on X, PTI said, ” The jail authorities, under the control of the illegitimate regime, have repeatedly overruled court orders.”
In addition to the statement, PTI stated, “What remains to be seen is whether they will comply with the court orders this time or not.”
Moreover, during the hearing, Judge Rana ordered an endoscopy for Bushra Bibi, to be supervised by Dr Asim Younus of Shaukat Khanum Memorial Hospital along with a government doctor, as per The Express Tribune.
Additionally, the judge instructed the presentation of six witnesses related to the reference at the next hearing.
During the proceedings, Judge Nasir Javed Rana ordered the removal of wooden barriers from the courtroom.
Following an hour-long break, the jail authorities removed all additional sheets.
According to The Express Tribune, concerns were also raised during the proceedings by defence lawyers regarding the difficulties faced by journalists in reporting the case. The judge addressed these concerns by inviting media representatives and Imran Khan to the rostrum, subsequently instructing the jail administration to take necessary steps.
During the proceedings, Imran Khan said that toilet cleaner had been mixed into Bushra Bibi’s food, causing daily stomach irritation, as reported by The Express Tribune.
The court advised Imran Khan to refrain from holding “press conferences” during the hearings.
In response, the PTI founder stated his statements were misquoted and he spoke to reporters to clarify them, The Express Tribune reported.
The court stressed the importance of decorum, suggesting addressing the media after the hearing, to which Khan stated that the jail administration removes the media from the courtroom after the hearing.
He also requested that the court allow him a 10-minute interaction with the media after the hearings.
Earlier on April 15, Bushra Bibi, filed a petition before the Islamabad High Court (IHC) and requested the court conduct her check-up and medical tests at Shaukat Khanum Hospital or any other private hospital of her choice to examine if she was poisoned through contaminated food, Pakistan-based Dawn reported.
In her petition, Bushra Bibi said that she is suffering from heartburn, and aches in her throat and mouth and that she believes that it is the result of eating poisonous meals.
Imran Khan’s wife said that she was poisoned and subjected to psychological torture at her Banigala residence, which has been declared a sub-jail, as per the Dawn report. (ANI)
Balochistan rocked by Pashtun and Baloch protests.(photo:IN)
Returning to the alienation of Pashtuns it may be mentioned that today they need to carry special travel documents to move across the border which once a free movement zone. Many Pashtuns shared their property; and families lived on both sides of the Durand Line without any problem. Trade across the border was normal. Now all that has changed permanently because the Pakistan Army and its state believe that Pashtuns can no longer be trusted and so a fence has been built all along the Durand Line in the name of security … writes Dr Sakariya Kareem
If there was a moment in Pakistan’s history, when another Bangladesh could occur, it is now. The reasons for this lie in the complete and total alienation of the Pashtuns living in Pakistan. Once seen as the closest ally of Punjabis in Pakistan, the Pashtuns today face deportation and humiliation to a point of no return. The Pakistan Army which they used to serve with great pride, has become the enemy. Like the Baloch people, victims of the Army’s jackboot policy, Pashtuns are out on the streets today to protest and express their anger. No place provides greater evidence of this angst than in the border town of Chaman, where for the past six months, local Pashtuns have been sitting, in protest against Pakistan’s new policy of dividing the Pashtun community spread across the Durand Line. Is this the last straw for the creation of a Pakhtunistan or Pashtoonistan?
Recall also that the Baloch people have been the target of the Pakistani state for several decades now for seeking a more autonomous way of life. For those interested in the current situation, reference is made to the monthly report of Paank, a human rights group of the Baloch National Movement. The report outlines the various human rights abuses committed in Balochistan, including incidents of enforced disappearances, protests by families of missing Baloch individuals for their safe return, and the staged killing of two Baloch individuals previously detained in Karachi. Protests have also occurred in Pasni for Abdul Raziq; in Daki Bazar, Kech, for Shoaib Ahmed and Balach; in Jhao, Awaran, for Tahir Baloch and Zafar Akbar; and in Mastung against the enforced disappearance of Ameer Hamza, where protestors blocked the Quetta-Karachi highway.
Returning to the alienation of Pashtuns it may be mentioned that today they need to carry special travel documents to move across the border which once a free movement zone. Many Pashtuns shared their property; and families lived on both sides of the Durand Line without any problem. Trade across the border was normal. Now all that has changed permanently because the Pakistan Army and its state believe that Pashtuns can no longer be trusted and so a fence has been built all along the Durand Line in the name of security. The distrust became sharper during the recent elections in which the Army carried out a systematic campaign to oust popular leaders like Mohsin Dawar through targeted attacks and the manipulation of the poll process. Officially, the winner in the North Waziristan NA-50 constituency was Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl (JUIF) candidate Mufti Misbahuddin. However, he was declared winner four days after the elections, a telling sign of the Army’s duplicitous games.
The PTI-backed independent candidate Aurangzeb Khan was the runner-up with 33,852 votes while Mohsin Dawar, National Democratic Movement’s candidate secured the third place with a close 32,768 votes. A firing incident occurred during a protest by NDM workers against the delay in election results in North Waziristan, resulting in the deaths of two individuals and injuries to six others, including NDM Chairman Mohsin Dawar. To ensure that the Pakistan Army’s candidate was declared winner in any case, pliable government staff were posted as presiding officers to stage-manage the results. Primary schools which were declared as polling centres, had two rooms combined as polling stations for both male and female voters. This ensured that women did not come to vote. Even where these measures failed, the polling staff were taken to the nearest Army and Frontier Corps barracks and forced to sign blank Form 45, which is the document used to officially declare the election result. There could be no better word for this than ‘rigging’.
Thousands rally in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa demanding durable peace.(Photo :facebook.com/PashtunTM)
Back in Balochistan, the March 2024 Paank report raises serious concerns about the rise in enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings. March 2024 saw 24 cases of enforced disappearances, with 21 individuals returning home from detention. However, two men picked up by security forces in Karachi were killed in a staged encounter, and their bodies were discarded. Pakistani security forces abducted two men from Karachi’s Lyari area on 15-17 August 2023. Identified as Zaman Baloch and Shoaib Ali, they were later killed in a staged encounter near Manghopir’s Northern Bypass, falsely claimed as an armed confrontation. Paank said its workers reached out to the families of the deceased, who were assured by the Sindh Police of their return before Eid. Tragically, the families only received their bodies riddled with bullets. The report concludes that the figures on social media about Baloch missing persons and enforced disappearances only show a fraction of the reality.
It is well known that the Pakistani state has used enforced disappearances as a tool to suppress Baloch resistance. This practice has intensified over the past two decades, targeting educated Baloch youth, the Paank report said. The report also details various protests and demonstrations by families of missing persons. It recalls the case of Abdul Raziq Baloch from Surab, who was returned 16 hours after his disappearance. This happened after his family and the public blocked a highway in protest. However, Khudadad Siraj, a medical student remains missing, despite his family and peers’ protesting for his safe release. The list of those who have disappeared is never-ending and, it is likely, there will be more to come. Enforced disappearances and staged encounters exacerbated the climate of fear and terror in Balochistan.
Families have been protesting in Kech, Gwadar, Jhaoo, Surab, and Mastung for the safe release of their relatives. Despite these protests and international condemnation from human rights groups, the Pakistani state’s stance remains unchanged, Paank observed. The unrepresented psychological and mental anguish of thousands of families affected by these disappearances remains untold. Paank highlights the plight of Baloch missing persons, and states they are subjected to long-term confinement and torture. A few are eventually released, but they often suffer from mental trauma. Pertinently, the State continues to exert control over their thought processes even after their release. Consequently, these individuals are compelled to choose between self-exile or apathy towards the suffering. It is precisely this apathy that is today the bane of the Pashtuns too.
Since the announcement of the election results in North Waziristan, protests have erupted, and in clashes with the police, two persons were killed and, six others narrowly escaped being assassinated. Blatant manipulation in the February elections was really the last straw, leaving Pashtuns angry and disheartened. Pakistan has just added a few more million disgruntled citizens on the streets in protest. Adding fuel to the fire is the plight of the Baloch people, who seem to get no respite. In a real sense, societal alienation in Pakistan has intensified with the Pashtun seeking ways to get redressal of their grievances, knowing fully well that the Pakistani state has no longer any trust in the community.
Pakistan’s education crisis is marked by a shockingly large number of out-of-school children, very low learning outcomes, wide achievement gaps and inadequate teacher efforts, writes Dr. Sakariya Kareem
Recently Nobel Peace Prize winner Malala Yousafzai expressed concern over Pakistan’s education crisis. In a letter to Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, she wrote “Currently, 26 million children — predominantly girls in the poorest districts of Pakistan — remain out of school. Furthermore, more than 200,000 teachers’ seats are vacant nationwide.” “This gap is severely affecting the functioning of schools and negatively impacting student retention and quality of schooling. Our collective aim should be to design a measurable, realistic plan to bring these numbers down significantly over the course of your term,” she added.
Although through her letter Malala has highlighted the crisis in Pakistan’s education sector, the actual number of out-of-school children in the country stands at a startling 28 million, somewhat more than what she has quoted. Despite tall claims made by successive governments to enroll out-of-school children, the number of such kids continues to grow at a rapid pace.
Pakistan’s education crisis is marked by a shockingly large number of out-of-school children, very low learning outcomes, wide achievement gaps and inadequate teacher efforts.
Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif speaks in an interaction with foreign media in Islamabad, Pakistan. (Photo by Ahmad Kamal/Xinhua/IANS)
In January this year, a report on the performance of the education sector was released by the Pakistan Institute of Education, a subsidiary of the education ministry revealed a lack of funds, poor pupil-teacher ratio, missing basic facilities as well as 26 million Out of School children (OOSC) in Pakistan. The report highlighted that an alarming 26.21 million – basically, 39 percent of children in Pakistan are out of school. OOSC are defined as children of school going age that are not going to school. The compulsory range of school going age is stipulated as five to 16 years under article 25-A of the Constitution. The number of OOSC stands at 11.73 million in Punjab, 7.63m in Sindh, 3.63m in KP, 3.13m in Balochistan, and 0.08 million in Islamabad. The percentage of out-of-school children decreased from 44 percent in 2016-17 to 39 percent in 2021-22.
More than 50 per cent of all school going age children are out of school in 17 out of 28 districts in Balochistan. District Shaheed Sikandarabad has the highest proportion of OOSC in Balochistan at 76 per cent, with Sherani following at 70 percent of out of school children between the ages of five and 16 years.
In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, district Kohistan has the highest proportion of OOSC at 60 per cent.
The results from key assessments conducted by the National Assessment Wing, specifically the Trends in International Mathematics & Science Study (TIMSS) and the National Achievement Test (NAT), highlighted the urgent need to improve learning outcomes among students. The report said that in 2021-22, spending on education remained 1.7percent of GDP.
In terms of enrolments, these happen later than required, with a lack of emphasis on early childhood education leading up to class 1. Drop outs start to happen between 9-11 years of age. The dropout ratio rises steadily with age. However, the proportion of children who have never attended school remains overwhelming at all age levels.
A teacher attends a class at a makeshift school set up in a public park in Islamabad, capital of Pakistan. (File pic: Xinhua/Ahmad Kamal/IANS)
Large schools across Pakistan simply lack toilets, potable water among other basic facilities. As per the report, only 23 percent of primary schools in Balochistan have access to potable water. Only 15 percent schools in Balochistan have electricity. In terms of toilet facilities scarce in all primary schools, across Pakistan, Balochistan fares worst with 77 percent primary schools, 31 percent middle schools, and four percent high schools not having toilets for students. In Sindh, 43 percent primary schools do not have toilet facilities. In Balochistan, the situation is alarming. In Azad Kashmir, 58 percent primary, 34 percent middle, and 23 percent high schools do not have this facility.
OOSC in Pakistan can be compared to that in the Sub-Saharan countries. It is one of the major challenges faced by the education sector of the country. Poverty and lack of awareness were major factors behind this issue. According to a teacher from Islamabad, “In most of the cases, the kids do labour work to help their families and the children will not be able to join schools till this issue is resolved.” Governments have highlighted very slow progress on education participation, completion and closing of the gender gap”, and successive cabinets have approved plans for bringing OOSC to schools, but practically no serious steps have been taken to handle this crisis.
Furthermore in terms of the quality of education. Consider this statistic. The result of the last CSS examination, announced on September 18, 2023 reflects the quality of graduates being produced by our higher educational institutions (HEIs). The Federal Public Service Commission (FPSC) conducts a competitive examination, commonly known as CSS, for recruitment of officers at the starting stage in the civil services of Pakistan. As per the FPSC, at least 20,000 candidates attempted the written part of the examination, of whom only 393 candidates, or 1.94 percent, passed.This reflects the falling standards of Pakistan’s education over several years. One of the FPSC reports states that many of the candidates were not even familiar with elementary mathematics. Many candidates “did not even know the direction of a simple compass, confusing north with south and east with west.” Almost all its reports complain about the absence of analytical skills among the candidates who mostly reproduce “crammed knowledge.”
A student writes “Yes I am Malala” on the blackboard at a government school in southwest Pakistan’s Quetta. (File Photo: Xinhua/Irfan/IANS)
An inclusive education does not discriminate by gender, language, religion, etc. On gender, discrimination is manifest at the outset when income constrained families spend more to educate sons than daughters. Children whose home language is not English or Urdu cannot acquire elementary education in their own language even if their parents want. The exclusion of languages such as Sindhi and Balochi means not only their slow death but also the withering of their associated cultures and identities.The religious content of one religion is diffused throughout textbooks prescribed for secular subjects. This practice is justified by the argument that Pakistan is overwhelmingly Muslim (97.5 per cent), which makes it alright to propagate predominantly Islamic content.
Thus, Pakistan’s school education is neither inclusive nor equitable and is departing further from these objectives. Because Pakistan’s ruling elite is just playing along with the UN? One of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) obligates the country to provide inclusive and equitable education for all. The SDGs were preceded by the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) for 15 years. None were attained in Pakistan without any analysis of the reasons for the failure. Instead, the country signed on to a new set of goals with a fresh lease of 15 years during which officials would continue to hold meetings and participate in conferences. Meanwhile, the people in whose name the exercise is being conducted are largely excluded from the conversation.
Security personnel inspect a mosque after a blast in Peshawar, northwestern Pakistan, on Jan. 31, 2023.(Str/Xinhua/IANS)
Terror attacks have surged in Pakistan in tandem with the resurgence of the Taliban in neighbouring Afghanistan, writes Dr. Sakariya Kareem
Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan, a complex and turbulent one, is driven by its geopolitical ambitions and strategic concerns. Historically, Pakistan has pursued policies aimed at diminishing India’s influence in the region, often at the expense of stability in Afghanistan. This intricate strategy has involved supporting radical factions within Afghanistan, including groups like the Afghan Taliban and the Haqqani network, through various means such as intelligence cooperation, the provision of weaponry, and offering sanctuary. Despite pressure from international actors, notably the United States, Pakistan has persistently been reluctant to alter its approach, even as sporadic attempts at fostering strategic partnerships through economic aid have been made.
The motivations underlying Pakistan’s actions are multifaceted. Firstly, Pakistan is apprehensive about the prospect of an unstable Afghanistan becoming a safe- haven for anti-Pakistani militant groups, thereby escalating regional instability. Consequently, Pakistan views maintaining ties with the Taliban as strategically imperative, albeit reluctantly, considering the group as a necessary ally among Afghanistan’s political actors.
Furthermore, Pakistan faces internal challenges in countering terrorism, particularly in its Punjab heartland, where targeting militant groups aligned with Afghanistan could incite retaliatory attacks. This underscores Pakistan’s limited control over the militants it has historically supported, a reality it hesitates to acknowledge due to potential domestic and international ramifications.
Security personnel examine the blast site in southwest Pakistan’s Quetta. (File Photo by Asad/Xinhua/IANS)
Additionally, Pakistan is wary of the emergence of a robust Afghan government aligned with India, perceiving it as a strategic threat that could encircle Pakistan. This apprehension was accentuated in President Trump’s 2017 speech on Afghanistan, where he hinted at leveraging India’s influence to pressure Pakistan, primarily through economic means. Despite assurances recognising Pakistan’s legitimate interests in Afghanistan, Pakistan remains cautious of India’s expanding role, including perceived support for Baluchi separatist groups within Pakistan. Consequently, gestures from the United States to improve India-Pakistan relations may inadvertently heighten Pakistan’s concerns about India’s regional influence.
Terror attacks have surged in Pakistan in tandem with the resurgence of the Taliban in neighbouring Afghanistan. According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal, over 1,500 people were killed in terrorist attacks in Pakistan in 2023, marking a 50% increase from 2021 and triple the number in 2020. The Islamic State Khorasan (ISKP), an affiliate of the Islamic State, has claimed responsibility for numerous attacks, including the bombing targeting the convention of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI), an Islamist political party within Pakistan’s coalition government. Paradoxically, while sharing ideological similarities with the TTP, the JUI’s participation in constitutional-democratic processes has led to its condemnation by the Islamic State as “hypocrites.”
Pakistan’s struggle with terrorism traces back to the late 1990s when local veterans of the U.S.-backed mujahideen in Afghanistan redirected their focus to domestic issues. Despite Pakistan’s apparent alliance with the United States in the Global War on Terror post-9/11, it failed to dismantle jihadist groups operating within its territory fully. The toll of this approach has been devastating, with over 16,225 terror attacks reported since 2000, resulting in 66,601 deaths, according to the South Asia Terrorism Portal.
(Xinhua/Huang Zongzhi) (syq)
Groups like the Afghan Taliban have received substantial support from the Pakistani government despite their ties with Al-Qaeda. This support stems from Pakistan’s military objectives to secure more significant influence in Afghanistan relative to its rival, India, following the U.S. withdrawal. Concurrently, Pakistani authorities have taken a hardline stance against international terror groups such as Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State, as well as groups perpetrating sectarian violence or insurgency against Pakistani authorities.
While Pakistani officials may draw distinctions between various jihadist factions, militants often operate without such nuance. Despite theological differences, their commitment to jihad remains steadfast. The discovery of Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad before his death in a U.S. operation in 2011 underscores the resilience of Pakistan’s jihadist infrastructure. Although Pakistan collaborated with the U.S. in apprehending other Al-Qaeda leaders between 2001 and 2011, bin Laden’s ability to evade detection for years highlights potential support from non-priority jihadi groups.
Under former Prime Minister Imran Khan, Pakistan initiated a ceasefire agreement with the TTP, which later collapsed amid allegations of military aggression. The subsequent government rejected the TTP’s demands for implementing Islamic law in bordering districts, attributing terror attacks to its splinter factions. While Pakistan’s military leadership has pledged a comprehensive counterterrorism strategy targeting all violent extremist groups, its implementation remains pending. Without decisive action, new offshoots and splinter groups of existing jihadist movements will continue to emerge, perpetuating a cycle of violence.
A Pakistan Elite Police Force commandos takes part in a drill to fight against militants at a school in northwest Pakistan’s Peshawar. (Xinhua/Ahmad Sidique/IANS)
In conclusion, Pakistan’s intricate relationship with Afghanistan, shaped by strategic imperatives and historical alliances, has contributed to regional instability and a persistent terrorism threat within its borders. Despite external pressures and intermittent attempts to recalibrate its approach, Pakistan’s reluctance to sever ties with certain militant groups underscores the complexities of navigating its security landscape. Addressing these challenges demands concerted efforts from Pakistan, its regional neighbours, and international partners to confront terrorism comprehensively and foster stability in the region.
Thousands rally in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa demanding durable peace.(Photo :facebook.com/PashtunTM)
Once considered the closest allies of Punjabi Pakistan, the Pashtuns today face deportation and humiliation for no fault of their own. The army, which they used to serve with great pride, has become the enemy. Like the Baloch, victims of the army’s jackboot policy for decades, the Pashtuns are on the streets to protest and express their anger … writes Dr Sakariya Kareem
The Pakistan Army is now set up on demolishing the great Pashtun community by killing many of the young leaders under the guise of counter-terrorism since 2001, then calling the protesting Pashtuns as enemies and now snatching their only right to a just share in federal politics by intimidation and manipulation of the election process. They are repeating a Balochistan in Pashtun-dominated tribal areas.
The anger against the army has been growing for years in these areas abutting the controversial Durand Line. Millions of Pashtuns live on either side of the disputed border with Pashtuns refusing to accept the British-drawn boundary line, cutting through their community. Scores of them have homes and hearth on both sides of the border. Many cross and return across the border for trade, family functions and other daily rituals. For the past two years, everything has changed.
Pashtuns have been dubbed as foreigners. They need travel documents to live and move about in their homeland. Trades have stopped. Family ties are broken. There is mounting anger among the Pashtuns who had been nursing a grouse since 2001 when their homes were bombed and they were uprooted in the name of counter-terrorist operations conducted by the Pakistan Army on behalf of the United States.
Balochistan rocked by Pashtun and Baloch protests.(photo:IN)
Once considered the closest allies of Punjabi Pakistan, the Pashtuns today face deportation and humiliation for no fault of their own. The army, which they used to serve with great pride, has become the enemy. Like the Baloch, victims of the army’s jackboot policy for decades, the Pashtuns are on the streets to protest and express their anger.
There is no place more telling about the Pashtun anger than the border town of Chaman, where for the past six months the local Pashtuns have been sitting on protest against Pakistan’s new policy of dividing the Pashtun community spread across the border. The Pashtuns now need special travel documents to move across the border which once was merely a walk across the border. Many of the Pashtuns shared the border in their property; families lived on both sides of the Durand Line without any hitch; trade across the border was normal. Now all that has changed permanently because the Pakistan Army and its state believe that Pashtuns can no longer be trusted.
The distrust between the army and the community became sharper during the recent elections in which the army carried out a systematic campaign to oust popular leaders like Mohsin Dawar through targeted attacks and manipulation of the poll process during the recent elections.
How the election results were declared showed the brazen manner in which the army manipulated the results. The winner was Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl (JUIF) candidate Mufti Misbahuddin. He was declared winner four days after the elections, a telling sign of the army’s duplicitous games during the elections.
In the protests since then, two persons have been killed and six others have escaped assassination attempts by a thread. When the killings and targeted attacks on Pashtun leaders failed, the army posted pliable government staff as presiding officers so that the election process and results could be managed without fail. The next step was to declare primary schools, often two rooms, as combined polling stations for both male and female voters, a clever ploy to prevent women from voting. Even when these measures failed, the polling staff in some areas were taken to the nearest army and Frontier Corps barracks and they were forced to sign blank Form 45.
These blatant manipulations in the February elections have been like the last straws on the back of the already burdened camel, leaving Pashtuns angry and disheartened. Pakistan has added a few more million disgruntled citizens on the streets in protest.
