External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar on Thursday held bilateral meetings with Chinese Foreign Minister Qin Gang on the sidelines of the G20 Foreign Ministers' meet.
This was the first meeting between Jaishankar and Qin after the latter became the Chinese foreign minister in December, reports Asian Lite News
External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar on Thursday held bilateral meetings with Chinese Foreign Minister Qin Gang on the sidelines of the G20 Foreign Ministers’ meet.
The meeting between the two was focused on issues related to border areas.
“Met Chinese Foreign Minister Qin Gang on the sidelines of #G20FMM this afternoon. Our discussions were focused on addressing current challenges to the bilateral relationship, especially peace and tranquillity in the border areas,” the Minister tweeted.
It was the first meeting between Jaishankar and Qin after the latter became the Chinese foreign minister in December.
The talks came nearly eight months after Jaishankar held a meeting with the then Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi in Bali on the sidelines of a G20 meeting.
The meeting gained significance in view of continuing US-China tensions and the military standoff between the two sides in the Ladakh sector of the Line of Actual Control.
Following the June 2020 clash at Galwan Valley, the relations between the two countries have been the most tense in the past many years.
Earlier on Thursday, Jaishankar also met his US counterpart Antony Blinken, wherein the two held discussions on bilateral ties and pressing global issues including the Ukraine conflict.
Earlier, on February 22, the 26th meeting of the Working Mechanism for Consultation & Coordination on India-China Border Affairs (WMCC) was held in person in Beijing.
As per the External Affairs Ministry, the two sides reviewed the situation along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in the Western Sector of the India-China border areas and discussed proposals for disengagement in the remaining areas in an open and constructive manner, which would help in restoration of peace and tranquillity along the LAC in Western Sector and create conditions for restoration of normalcy in bilateral relations.
In an extensive interview with Asian Lite’s Abhish K Bose, Prof. Gopalji Malviya discusses the various dimensions and stakeholders involved in the ongoing tension in between India and China.
Prof. Gopalji Malviya was born and had early school and college education at Allahabad. He completed his Post Graduation in Defence and Strategic Studies from Allahabad University. Dr. Malviya earned his Doctorate from University of Madras. His doctoral thesis was on Chinese Strategic Threat to India’s National Security. Dr. Malviya has authored/edited over a dozen books and over forty articles on international relations and national security issues in leading national and international publications. He has visited number of countries in connection with seminar/conferences to USA, Austria, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and Nepal.
He also has been awarded Major Research Projects from University Grants Commission on Non-Traditional Threats to India’s Maritime Security and DRDO Project on India’s National Security Threat Assessment. He has guided 18 Doctoral Scholars that includes the high profile Officers from the Tri-services of Indian military. Dr. Malviya was Chairman of University Inspection Commission and Research Advisor to the Defence Services Staff College Wellington, and National Defence College, New Delhi.
Dr. Malviya has been visiting faculty to NDC, Officers’ Training Academy, College of Naval Warfare, Mumbai, DSSC, Wellington, College of Defence Management, Secunderabad and College of Army warfare, Mhow. He was a member of Academic Council and Senate of the University of Madras, University of Pondicherry, Central University of Tamil Nadu and member of various expert committees at UGC and Ministry of Human Resources and Development. He was also an expert committee member at IGNOU and specializes in India’s National Security, South Asian Peace and Security, Nuclear issues and Legal Dimensions of International Security. He has taught International Relations, National Security, International Law and Indian Military History.
He was a founding member of the Centre for Security analysis, Chennai and Convener of Society for Indian Ocean Studies, Chennai Chapter. Dr. Malviya has 40 years of teaching and research experience & retired as the Professor and Head of the Department of Defence and Strategic Studies, University of Madras in 2012. Later, he also served as Dean, School of National Security Studies at Central University of Jammu. Prof. Malviya has had intense academic interactions with institutes of armed forces over his academic career. In this extensive interview with Asian Lite’s Abhish K Bose, he discusses the various dimensions and stakeholders involved in the ongoing tension in between the two countries.
ABHISH K. BOSE: Why are China and India having border tensions and confrontations ever since their inception? Is it because of their imperial hang-over; China, of the Qing and Indian, of the British? What else could be the reason or reasons?
Prof. Malviya: Tension between India and China is deeply rooted in border dispute since their inception. India and China as sovereign independent states have never made any serious and meaningful attempt to demarcate the borders towards amicable solutions.
Actually it’s not a mere border dispute, it is largely a territorial dispute as China continues to illegally occupy 38000 sq kms of Indian Territory.
Over 3500 kilometres long border that runs through some of the most arid terrain along the Himalayan range known as eastern, central and western sectors of Sino Indian border. The unresolved border and territorial issues are key towards normalization of relations between the two Asian giants. Both the disputants have made claims and counter claims, produced evidence of historical positions including revenue record etc but so far in their various interactions at different levels, they have only ‘Talked’ and not negotiated for its logical conclusions.
There is one major irritant that adds up to tension between the two nations and that is granting political asylum to Dalai Lama in India. Growing India’s proximity to USA adds to another reason. Both countries follow different kinds of ideologies and have different systems of governance. Their strategic perceptions of global and regional issues also differs. Both are searching for great power status in their competitive approach in economy and military. In the emerging international architecture, India and China figure prominently as rising powers. Hence, the continuing tension between the two.
ABHISH K. BOSE: How do you compare the development of the military power of China and India from the 1990s onwards? Currently, the China economy is five times that of India and can afford to spend three times more on its military, whereas in the 1990s the Chinese economy was comparable to that of India and its military was not vastly superior to the Indian. To what extent is the asymmetry of power and economic resources between the two nations responsible for the aggressive posturing on the part of the Chinese?
Prof. Malviya: No doubt China is a large military power and Chinese economy is 5 times bigger than India. China is a large country with vast geographical, natural, economic and human resources. China under authoritarian rule has an ambition to become a world power and it has been constantly working through their efforts through “Four Modernization Program” since 1979. They also began their massive economic reform since then. Chinese have expanded their industrial base with large skilled work force, adopted modern technology particularly in the field of electronics and communications, they have also developed manufacturing hubs in large number of areas, and created a wide range of supply chain with export orientation. They have heavily invested in infrastructure, development and research and development. The pace of these developments has been remarkable and hence the fascinating dividends.
People’s Liberation Army (PLA) (Xinhua_Cheng Min_IANS)
India on the other hand has seen too many hiccups and bottle necks in their economic and industrial expansion program. India’s growth has been slow but steady, in the current scenario, India is a fast growing economy and reached 5th largest economy in the world. India’s vision and commitment towards its goal of ‘Vishwaguru’ seems possible due to its strong and stable political leadership. During and post covid 19 scenario, Chinese economic growth has suffered a lot, their GDP has decreased, exports has also been affected. Currently China is struggling to keep pace with its economy.
Regarding asymmetry in military strength, it is true that China has large military machine and men in uniform. However mere numerical superiority is no indication of a super military power. It is also true that Chinese People’s Liberation Army has large number of naval and air platforms including their large nuclear force as compared to India. But the world has not yet seen Chinese military power in any full scale conventional combat (notwithstanding the 1962 war with India as it was one sided) against strong opponent. Present Indian armed forces are fully modernized, integrated, motivated in their conventional and strategic nuclear format. It would be a mistake to underestimate India’s defense capability and leadership.
ABHISH K. BOSE: What, if any, is the role of the US in keeping the Sino-Indian relationship on the boil?
Prof. Malviya: India and China are rising powers, and enjoyed their strategic autonomy in their regional and global conduct. Both are emerging global players, capable of guiding and protecting their strategic and politico economic interest, hence there is hardly any role for America to fish in the troubled waters of Sino Indian tension. With the rapid changing strategic landscape, it is difficult to predict US role and influence in future however in the current scenario it is insignificant.
ABHISH K. BOSE: Does the tension that prevail between the two countries presage the outbreak of a large-scale conflict between these Asian giants? What are we to make of the increased defence spending by both countries? In the event of an outbreak of war, will it take a nuclear turn?
Prof. Malviya: India and China are clearly set to emerge as great economic and military powers. They also are neighbors who will continue to compete for resources market and influence in Asian region and global stage. It is unlikely that India and China will become mortal enemies again particularly in the current political situation. Hence any large-scale military adventure or conflict is minimal and unlikely.
I don’t see any big jump in their defense spending. Gradual and incremental increase is likely to continue based on their strategic requirement and compulsion. Minor military engagement, border intrusion, temporary encroachment, fist fight and occasional crossing the line by both powers may continue at some point along the border at short intervals. However, any major conventional war is unthinkable and a possible nuclear exchange is highly improbable.
ABHISH K. BOSE: To what extent are domestic compulsions working behind the Chinese strategy to escalate border tensions? The need to divert attention from internal issues especially the slowdown of the Chinese economy post COVID 19 pandemic, for example?
Prof. Malviya: Chinese often take aggressive postures against their perceived adversaries and escalate tension in order to divert their internal socio-political issues. This is a regular strategy pursued at different occasions at different places of their choice. The Chinese tool kit for such event includes aggressive military deployment, border skirmishes, provocative statement and mounting diplomatic pressures, India is no exception.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping during a visit to the UNESCO world heritage site in Mamallapuram, Tamil Nadu.
ABHISH K. BOSE: Pakistan is reportedly teetering on the bridge of an economic collapse and the Chinese do not seem to be particularly keen to bail that country out of its present crisis. Does it signal any shift in the foreign policy of China and what bearing will it have on peace in this region?
PROF Malviya: Pakistan is on the verge of collapse. For decades Pakistan has survived with borrowed economy. Experts for long have been warning it as a ‘failed state’, economic paralysis and civil chaos. Pak as a theocratic state and military domination has not been able to evolve stable democratic culture of governance. Chinese military and economic assistance to Pakistan has been in pipeline for over 3 decades, today Pakistan finds itself totally under debt trap by China. Chinese have been using Pakistan card against India to fulfill their strategic objectives. Pakistan is also being used by China towards its design to encircle India. China has invested heavily in Pakistan to seek politico/ strategic favors from Pakistan. Currently Chinese economy has taken a backseat and hence they may not be in a position to bail out Pakistan.
Also, Chinese are facing various domestic and regional challenges. In such a case I don’t see any major shift towards Pakistan in near future. Currently there is no sign of lasting peace in this region.
ABHISH K. BOSE: What is the significance, specific to the China angle India has to mind, of the neutrality that India has adopted in the Russo-Ukraine conflict? Does India expect Putin to reign in the Chinese? Or is this expectation wholly misplaced? Or, is India trying to leverage this neutrality as a bargaining chip vis-à-vis the US?
Prof. Malviya: India does not expect Russian President Putin to reign in the Chinese, due to its (India’s) independent stand adopted in the Russo-Ukrain conflict. Any such expectation is highly misplaced. India’s assertive diplomacy and political view of ongoing conflict is crystal clear and appreciated even by all including its critics.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping. (Photo IANS_PIB)
ABHISH K.BOSE: A permanent solution to the border disputes with China seems impossible in the near future. The Chinese, on their part, are stretching the sites of confrontation into areas where they did not have stakes previously like Galwan. How are we to read this strategy?
Prof. Malviya: Sino Indian border dispute is one of a highly complex issue. Over the period both the disputants have not been able to exercise flexible approach to resolve the knotty issue according to the terms mutually agreed by them. Both the sides have to give up ‘rigidity’ on their respective viewpoints. It also requires ‘Political Will’ from both the countries to find an amicable solution towards delimitation of the boundary. Such possibility seems very remote in the current environment. Both sides have hardliners, in Chinese PLA and also perhaps in Indian foreign establishments. Chinese have been stretching the sites of confrontation in new areas and it seems they will continue to claim areas as per cartographic aggression of their design. It is simple to understand that the Chinese have greater appetite for territories beyond their control. Chinese have also been pursuing aggressive expansionist policy in the land and sea around.
ABHISH K.BOSE: According to Nirupama Rao, the former foreign secretary of India, the border issues between India and China could have been settled, if Nehru had raised them during negotiations over the 1954 Tibet agreement, where it surrendered all its rights in Tibet. By way of quid pro quo India could have demanded the Chinese to settle its claims on the border areas which India did not do. Do you find any merit in this view, especially given that nothing prevents the Chinese from raking up issues as expeditious to them?
Prof. Malviya: Nirupuma Rao is absolutely correct and I agree with her views that Nehru could have exercised the skill of “Political Realism” to deal with China in 1954. Tibet agreement was an Indian surrender to appease China, whereas this could have been used as ‘bargain chip’ for settling the boundary issue.
President Dr. Rajendra Prasad, Vice President Dr. S. Radhakrishnan and Prime Minister
Jawaharlal Nehru with the Chinese Premier at Rashtrapati Bhavan on June 26, 1954.
In fact, later on India has missed three opportunities to settle the dispute with China or at least to read their mind on the issue. Firstly, during Chou En Lai’s visit in 1960 when Nehru was flexible for discussion and inclined to find a solution, but his cabinet colleagues protested against any settlement with China. Secondly, it was Mrs Gandhi who missed the opportunity during 1983 when she ignored Deng Xiaoping’s offer of “Packaged Deal” due to the domestic and political compulsions. Thirdly, Rajiv Gandhi during his visit to China in December 1988 never showed interest to enter into any serious discussion/ negotiation due to his rigid stand of ‘not losing even an inch of territory’ prevented India from responding to Chinese offers.
ABHISH K. BOSE: If you were to evolve a settlement package between the two countries, what would be its salient aspects? Or, do you think that peace will prevail if India is able to maintain balance of terror with the Chinese? Do you see India reaching there in the foreseeable future?
Prof. Malviya: To evolve a settlement package between India and China seems to be a tough task because Chinese practice “win win diplomacy” in their negotiations. Any dispute could be addressed with the pragmatic and flexible approach with some kind of give and take and spirit of mutual accommodation. Indian approach towards an acceptable solution is less than clear, it is not merely a lack of policy or direction but more seriously a lack of perspective. It is apparent that there are divisions among the policy makers at South Block. They have been referred as settlers and non-settlers, Indian ‘hesitation and vacillation’ is responsible for not grasping the opportunities. In the current scenario there is not ‘quick fix’ solution to the long pending issues.
Disengagement process in south of Pangong Lake (File pic)
India has large military machine and man power backed by strategic nuclear force. Indian defence forces are modern and continue to enhance its all-round operational capabilities. Today’s India is not of 1962, and has a major and one of the largest military forces in the world. India needs to keep its nuclear deterrent in place, to survive as an independent player it has to take it very seriously. The projection of its minimum nuclear deterrence needs to have value additions. India is fairly strong in conventional combat, capable to face any challenge or military misadventure from perceived adversaries.
India’s considered role helped many smaller countries take a clear stand on the Chinese proposal. Realizing that its resolution would not get majority support, China withdrew its draft resolution on September 30, reports Naveen Kapoor
India’s deft diplomacy at the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) forced China to withdraw its resolution against the AUKUS.
According to sources, the “General Conference of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) was held in Vienna from September 26-30, 2022. China tried to get a resolution passed against the AUKUS for seeking to provide Australia with nuclear-powered submarines (but armed with conventional weapons).
China argued that this initiative was in violation of its responsibilities under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). It also criticized the role of the IAEA in this regard.
India took an objective view of the initiative, recognising the soundness of the technical evaluation by the IAEA. The Indian Mission to the IAEA in Vienna worked closely with many IAEA member states in this regard.
India’s considered role helped many smaller countries take a clear stand on the Chinese proposal. Realizing that its resolution would not get majority support, China withdrew its draft resolution on September 30.
Interestingly, the Chinese were confident enough of the success on September 28 to get Global Times to issue an article on the subject.
India’s deft and impactful diplomacy was deeply appreciated by IAEA member states, particularly the AUKUS partners. (ANI)
Though the two sides disengaged from Patrolling Point 15 (PP-15), there has been no progress yet on resolving the standoff in Demchok and Depsang regions…reports Asian Lite News
Indian and Chinese militaries on Monday moved back their frontline troops to the rear locations from the face-off site of Patrolling Point 15 in the Gogra-Hotsprings area in eastern Ladakh and dismantled temporary infrastructure there as part of a five-day disengagement process.
People familiar with the development said the two sides disengaged as per the plan which also entailed a joint verification of the entire process.
“The full details of the disengagement and the verification process are being awaited from the ground commanders,” said a source.
Though the two sides disengaged from Patrolling Point 15 (PP-15), there has been no progress yet on resolving the standoff in Demchok and Depsang regions.
The Indian and Chinese armies on September 8 announced that they have kicked off the disengagement process from the PP-15, in a significant forward movement in the stalled process to pull-out troops from the remaining friction points in the region.
When asked about the disengagement at PP-15 on the sidelines of an event, Army Chief Gen Manoj Pande said: “I will have to go and take stock. But, it (disengagement process) is going as per schedule, and what was decided”.
The people cited above said all the temporary infrastructure created at the face-off site has been dismantled.
It is not immediately known whether the two sides will create a “buffer zone” at PP-15 as was done after the troops disengaged in friction points on the north and south banks of the Pangong lake and at Patrolling Point 17(A) last year.
No side carries out patrolling in the buffer zone.
The disengagement in the Gogra-Hotsprings area is an outcome of the 16th round of high-level military talks in July, the two armies said while announcing the beginning of the process on September 8.
External Affairs Ministry Spokesperson Arindam Bagchi said on September 9 that the disengagement process in PP-15 will be completed by Monday.
“As per the agreement, the disengagement process in this area started on September 8 at 0830 hours and will be completed by September 12. The two sides have agreed to cease forward deployments in this area in a phased, coordinated and verified manner, resulting in the return of the troops of both sides to their respective areas,” he said.
“It has been agreed that all temporary structures and other allied infrastructure created in the area by both sides will be dismantled and mutually verified. The landforms in the area will be restored to the pre-stand-off period by both sides,” Bagchi added.
He said the agreement ensures that the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in this area will be strictly observed and respected by both sides, and that there will be no unilateral change in the status quo.
“With the resolution of the stand-off at PP-15, both sides mutually agreed to take the talks forward and resolve the remaining issues along LAC and restore peace and tranquillity in India-China border areas,” he said.
Initially, around 30 soldiers from each side were locked in a face-off in PP-15 but the number of troops kept changing depending on the overall situation in the region.
India has been consistently maintaining that peace and tranquillity along the LAC were key for the overall development of the bilateral ties. The eastern Ladakh border standoff erupted on May 5, 2020, following a violent clash in the Pangong lake areas.
Both sides gradually enhanced their deployment by rushing in tens of thousands of soldiers and heavy weaponry.
As a result of a series of military and diplomatic talks, the two sides completed the disengagement process last year on the north and south banks of the Pangong lake and in the Gogra area.
The disengagement in the Pangong Lake area took place in February last year while the withdrawal of troops and equipment in Patrolling Point 17 (A) in Gogra took place in August last year.
‘Eastern Theatre firmly under control’
The overall situation along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with China in the Eastern Theatre is “reasonably calm” and “firmly under control”, eastern Army Commander Lt Gen Rana Pratap Kalita said.
The commander said the situation in the region has been stable and no major “changes or palpable shift of stance has been noted” even as the Indian and Chinese troops are engaged in a stand-off in Demchok and Depsang in eastern Ladakh.
He said Army is in a better position now to monitor the area of its interest in the region with the enhancement of infrastructure close to the LAC and induction of various platforms such as drones, helicopters and electronic surveillance equipment.
“Let me assure you that the Indian Army is fully prepared to deal with any eventuality in the Eastern Theatre. The border issue with China is being dealt with at all levels to ensure that there is no friction,” Lt Gen Kalita said He made the comments during an informal interaction with a group of visiting journalists in Kibithu, a key border post in the Lohit Valley facing China.
Lt Gen Kalita said that the Indian Army is continuously monitoring activities along the LAC and is well-poised to mitigate any challenges.
Siliguri Corridor is the strategically important region near the country’s northern border with China that also borders Nepal, Bhutan and Bangladesh, reports Asian Lite News
Around 600 paratroopers of the Indian Army’s Airborne Rapid Response teams carried out large scale drops near the Siliguri Corridor on March 24 and March 25 in an Airborne Exercise, after being airlifted from various airbases, the force said.
The exercise involved advanced free-fall techniques; insertion, surveillance and targeting practice and seizing of key objectives by going behind enemy lines.
Siliguri Corridor is the strategically important region near the country’s northern border with China that also borders Nepal, Bhutan and Bangladesh.
The Corridor is considered very important from the military perspective and connects the northeastern region with the rest of India.
#IndianArmy conducted #AirborneExercise to validate Aerial Insertion & Rapid Response capabilities along #NorthernBorders. The Exercise entailed airlifting of Airborne troops, large scale drops, rapid regrouping, surveillance of critical targets & capture of objectives. pic.twitter.com/aiReRv0K1J
The 60 km long and 22 km wide Siliguri Corridor in West Bengal, is also known as the ‘Chicken’s Neck’.
Wedged between Bangladesh to the south and the west and China to the north, the Siliguri Corridor links India to neighbouring Nepal, Bangladesh and Bhutan.
As China continuing road and airstrip construction activities on its side of the border, the threat to the Siliguri Corridor is a constant one, as the infrastructure could allow China to mobilise rapidly in the region.
India too have enhanced deployment in the region and is also developing military infrastructure.
It needs no intelligence to decipher that China’s new Border Law has been passed with the aim of targeting India. Additionally, by passing a new statute at this juncture, China seems to be hardening its position against India….reports Asian Lite News
India and China have been locked in a fierce hot and cold war on the Line of Actual Control (LAC) since the middle of last year. Despite military and diplomatic talks to resolve the stand-off, China continues to be intransigent on its stand on Eastern Ladakh. On October 23, China voted to adopt a new law on the protection and exploitation of its land border areas, which will take effect on January1, 2022. The law was approved at the closing meeting of the legislative session of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress.
According to Xinhua news agency, the law has the following broad principles. To begin with it stipulates that the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the People’s Republic of China are sacred and inviolable. The law also informs that China shall “take measures to safeguard territorial integrity and land boundaries and guard against and combat any act that undermines territorial sovereignty and land boundaries”. The new law also stipulates that the state shall take measures to strengthen border defense, support economic and social development as well as opening-up in border areas, improve public services and infrastructure in such areas, encourage and support people’s life and work there, and promote coordination between border defense and social, economic development in border areas.
Notably, this provision seems to have been inserted to give finality to what China has already been doing in the last decade or so on its borders with India. The next provision in the new statute states that China following the principle of equality, mutual trust, and friendly consultation, handle land border related-affairs with neighbouring countries through negotiations to properly resolve disputes and longstanding border issues. It is ironical that China having violated and made null and void all the agreements signed in India since 1996, wants to handle border issue through negotiations.
The passage of this new border is clearly aimed at India. It needs no intelligence to decipher that China’s new Border Law has been passed with the aim of targeting India. Additionally, by passing a new statute at this juncture, China seems to be hardening its position against India. Of interest is the fact that the law delineates the responsibilities of various state agencies, from the PLA to local authorities in guarding the borders. Calling on the military to “guard against and combat any act that undermines territorial sovereignty and land boundaries”, the law says the Chinese military “shall carry out border duties” to “resolutely prevent, stop and combat invasion, encroachment, provocation and other acts”.
India’s response to China’s latest action relating to the LAC was immediate and firm and stated that China must not use legislation as a “pretext” to formalise the PLA’s actions initiated since last year to unilaterally alter the LAC. While the law says Beijing will negotiate with its neighbours to settle its borders, India aptly reminded China that the legislation had little bearing on the boundary issue as both sides are yet to resolve the issue. The Chinese Foreign Ministry, responding to India’s statement, claimed the law would not affect implementation of existing agreements. The only other country for which the new Chinese law has an implication is Bhutan. Recently, both China and Bhutan signed a three-step roadmap to resolve the boundary issue.
How should one read China’s actions in the past one year or so? China could easily argue that the new legislation is an internal matter, just as India did when it abrogated Article 370 and created a Union Territory of Ladakh. Recall that China had strongly opposed India’s move to change the status of Ladakh simply because the new official map printed by India showed the entire Aksai Chin area as being under India’s control. However, one must understand that there is a major difference between China’s domestic legislation and India’s legislation on J&K. In the former case, the new law first proposed in March 2020 was followed by the Chinese instigated crisis in Ladakh along the LAC. India’s actions on the other hand were focused on internal reorganization and focused development.
By deploying over 60,000 troops close to the LAC in clear violation of the four border agreements in the summer of 2020, China gained a stamp of approval of its actions. Passage of the new law is essentially a move to give domestic legitimacy to its military actions initiated in the summer of 2020. These actions in effect put paid to the logic that the border agreements signed earlier were still effective. The last round of military level talks held on October 10, ended with both sides accusing each other for not living up to their promises. China blamed India for making “unrealistic” demands and India countered by saying the other side had offered no real proposals for a solution.
Significantly, the new law underlines the fact that China increasingly sees little space for compromise as far as its boundaries are concerned. Even as India and China continue negotiations, the law is the latest signal that the state of affairs along the border, marked by continuing deployments by both sides in forward areas and a build-up of infrastructure, is likely to continue over the long-term. China’s game plan for South Asia is already falling into place. It already has Pakistan in its pocket and countries like Nepal, Sri Lanka and Myanmar are being enveloped in China’s strategic sphere. Clearly, China has set its sights clearly on isolating India in South Asia. The latest entrant to this club is Taliban-controlled Afghanistan. China has recently offered $31 million in emergency aid to Afghanistan and the first Chinese aircraft carrying humanitarian aid landed in Afghanistan on September 30.
Just how aggressive China has been in the last year is also witnessed in the construction of villages along the LAC. The effort clearly being to bolster Chinese presence in uninhabited areas along the border. This point is raised in the latest Annual Pentagon Report to the US Congress.
The report states: “Sometime in 2020, the PRC (People’s Republic of China) built a large 100-home civilian village inside disputed territory between the PRC’s Tibet Autonomous Region and India’s Arunachal Pradesh state in the eastern sector of the LAC.”
The Chinese narrative on the LAC today is therefore hardening and one can visualise a movement towards a border settlement from a Chinese perspective. This much is clear. Without speedy clarification of the LAC and reduction of disputed zones, it is unlikely that the India-China boundary question will get resolved any time soon.
Islamabad is the seventh largest recipient of Chinese overseas development financing with 71 projects worth $27.3 billion currently under way as part of CPEC…reports Asian Lite News
China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) Authority czar Khalid Mansoor has alleged that the US is colluding with India and hatching plots against the multibillion-dollar project, Dawn news reported.
Mansoor, the special assistant to the Pakistan Prime Minister on CPEC affairs, accused the US of conniving in cahoots with India against the economic lifeline of Pakistan, the report said.
“From the point of view of the emerging geo-strategic situation, one thing is clear: the Us supported by India is inimical to CPEC. It will not let it succeed. That’s where we have to take a position,” Mansoor said.
Islamabad is the seventh largest recipient of Chinese overseas development financing with 71 projects worth $27.3 billion currently under way as part of CPEC.
Many Western think tanks and commentators have termed CPEC an economic trap that has already resulted in bloated public debt levels and disproportionately high Chinese influence in the domestic economy.
The premier’s aide said the Us and India continue to make attempts to manoeuvre Pakistan out of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) —- a global infrastructure development plan under which the Beijing government has been investing heavily in about 70 countries, the report said.
“There’s no way Pakistan will forgo any of its benefits. It has more than once burnt its fingers in (the Western) alliance in the past,” he said, adding that their attempts to dilute China’s strategic influence in the region will fail.
He said the Western powers view CPEC as a symbol of China’s political ambition.
“That’s the reason CPEC is seen suspiciously by both the US and Europe… They view CEPC more as a move by China to expand its political, strategic and business influence,” said Mansoor, noting that China has been able to manage that apprehension “to a great extent”.
The US is now “taking stock of the economic and political consequences” of withdrawing from the region, he said.
Mansoor said Islamabad is seeking the expansion of CPEC to Afghanistan and has discussed the possibility of Taliban-led Afghanistan joining the multibillion-dollar economic corridor, the report added.
He said there’s been “deep interest” in developing economic connectivity between Afghanistan and Pakistan and with other neighbouring countries, including Iran.
“Some European countries have started showing interest (in CPEC). Their ambassadors keep on coming.”
An increase in patrols has also resulted in face-offs in some of the areas in the eastern sector….reports Asian Lite News
In the last year while tensions between India and China escalated in Ladakh, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) increased the scale of its training exercises in the eastern sector bringing in multiple military assets along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) preparing for joint operations.
An increase in patrols has also resulted in face-offs in some of the areas in the eastern sector.
Eastern Army Commander Lt Gen Manoj Pande said on Tuesday that China has been carrying out integrated joint operation exercises. “They are bringing together various elements of their armed forces. This year there has been an increase in scale and they have continued for longer duration,” he said while giving an assessment of Chinese activities based on surveillance reports.
“There has been some increase in the annual training in exercises in depth areas. Reserved formations continue to remain in training areas,” Lt Gen Pande said.
The Indian Army has ramped up its surveillance grid with the induction of long-distance surveillance drones, radars and night vision capabilities. The enhanced surveillance platforms give the Indian Army an accurate picture of Chinese activities across the LAC.
“There has also been a marginal increase in border defence troops by the Chinese,” Lt Gen Pande in charge of Army operations in the eastern sector that includes the 1,346 km long LAC in Arunachal Pradesh said.
“There has been a marginal increase in PLA patrols in some areas but no noticeable change in patrolling patterns,” he said.
Lt Gen Pande added there are a number of areas where patrols from both sides interact either in a scheduled manner or at times a chance encounter as in certain areas there are different perceptions of the LAC.
“When patrols come face-to-face which then results in faceoff, but I must also mention that we have a robust mechanism and protocols because of which we are able to resolve such situations as and when they arise.”
Both sides are attempting to develop infrastructure closer to the LAC over the past one year. With enhanced surveillance, the Indian Army has observed military infrastructure development close to the LAC.
Feed from drones, satellite imagery, radars and ground cameras are being assessed and collated in an integrated manner for a robust and accurate assessment of the ground situation on the Chinese side.
When asked about some recent incidents of friction in the eastern sector, Lt Gen Pande said more troops have been noticed in some areas like Naku La in Sikkim, where patrols came face-to-face in the recent past and Aspila in Arunachal Pradesh, where there is a difference of perception of the LAC.
“We are enhancing surveillance close to the LAC. In certain areas our deployment was thin we have strengthened. Last one and half year have been a matter of concern for us. Eastern command enhanced its preparedness levels and capability to respond to any contingency.”
He said new technology and inductions have happened with the focus on surveillance. The Army has inducted long-distance surveillance drones, new radars and platforms for night vision capabilities. He said like in Ladakh, emergency procurement has happened in equal measure with various new inductions.
The two countries signed a MoU, four-year after Indian and Chinese soldiers had a stand-off at Doklam, a Bhutanese territory. ..reports Asian Lite News
India on Thursday said it has noted the signing of Memorandum of Understanding between Bhutan and China on ‘Three-Step Roadmap for Expediting the Bhutan-China Boundary Negotiations.’
“We have noted the signing of the MoU between Bhutan and China. You are aware that Bhutan and China have been holding boundary negotiations since 1984. Similarly, India has been holding boundary negotiations with China,” MEA spokesperson Arindam Bagchi said at the weekly media briefing
The two countries signed a MoU, four-year after Indian and Chinese soldiers had a stand-off at Doklam, a Bhutanese territory. It was signed for expediting talks to demarcate their 470 km-long disputed land boundary.
“The Memorandum of Understanding on the Three-Step Roadmap will provide a fresh impetus to the Boundary Talks. It is expected that the implementation of this Roadmap in a spirit of goodwill, understanding and accommodation will bring the boundary negotiations to a successful conclusion that is acceptable to both sides,” said the Bhutanese Foreign Ministry in a statement.
The Bhutanese Foreign Ministry further added that Thimphu and Beijing had agreed on the three-step roadmap during the tenth expert group meeting in Kunming, April this year.
Bhutan announced that the MoU would be exchanged between the two sides through diplomatic channels. (India News Network)
General Manoj Mukund Naravane’s comments come at a time when the rivals are holding military talks to cool tensions in eastern Ladakh, reports Asian Lite News
If the Chinese army is to stay in eastern Ladakh, so is the Indian Army, army chief General Manoj Mukund Naravane said, referring to the military buildup and infrastructure development by the People’s Liberation Army across the contested Line of Actual Control (LAC). The statement comes as Corps Commander talks began on Sunday.
“It is a matter of concern that the large-scale buildup that occurred last year (when the border row erupted) continues to be in place,” the army chief said.
“To sustain that kind of buildup, there has been an equal amount of infrastructure development on the Chinese side. It means that they are there to stay. We are keeping a close watch on the developments. But if they are there to stay, we are there to stay too,” he said at a public event in New Delhi.
India has taken countermeasures and matched Chinese moves, Naravane said. His comments come at a time when the rivals are planning to hold the next round of military talks to cool tensions in eastern Ladakh.
India and China have been locked in a border standoff for 17 months. Despite two rounds of disengagement at friction points this year, the two nations still have 50,000 to 60,000 troops each deployed in Ladakh.
“If they continue to stay there for the second winter, it will definitely mean we will be in Line of Control (LoC) kind of situation (referring to the Indian and Pakistani deployments on the LoC), though not an active LoC as is there on the western front. We will have to keep a close eye on PLA troop buildup and deployments to ensure they don’t get into any misadventure once again,” Naravane said.
Asked to comment on PLA’s intentions, given its aggressive moves in the northern sector, he said: “I wish I knew. The most difficult thing is to get into your adversary’s mind. This is the question we have been asking not just within the army, but also at other forums. But whatever those reasons may have been, I don’t think they have been able to achieve their aims because of the rapid response by the Indian armed forces.”
The army chief said renewed infiltration attempts by Pakistani terrorists were being witnessed along LoC in Kashmir after a four-month lull, following the renewal of a ceasefire pact with Pakistan in February 2021. The two countries first agreed in 2003 to observe truce along their de facto border in Jammu and Kashmir.
“The ceasefire held in totality till July. Incidents have started taking place again. There have been three incidents of ceasefire violation in north Kashmir. It seems to be a repeat of the 2003 pattern when it started with one odd incident and then rising to…as good as not having a ceasefire,” he said.
On the Afghanistan situation and its impact on Kashmir, Naravane said when the previous Taliban regime was in power 20 years ago, Afghan-origin terrorists were operating in the valley. “There is reason to believe that the same thing might happen once again. We are prepared for any such eventuality. Just as we dealt with them in early 2000s, we will deal with them now should they venture anywhere near us.”
Naravane flagged concerns about the recent targeted killings in Kashmir, saying the acts were unacceptable and a last-ditch attempt by terrorists to stay “a little relevant.”
On the possibility of women being assigned front-line combat roles given that the doors of the National Defence Academy have been opened to them, he said, “We have opened 10 branches of the army to women, except infantry, armoured corps and mechanised infantry. I think for the foreseeable future that will remain the same. I will not make any false promises. We will have to see how it goes along. None of our neighbouring countries have opened up their combat arms to women officers. Things could change in future. We have to move slowly… Change will happen but at its own pace.”
Military talks to resolve border dispute
India and China held the 13th round of Corps Commander talks on Sunday, at Moldo on the Chinese side, to resolve border dispute in Eastern Ladakh.
Both the countries discussed phase-III of disengagement and also overall de-escalation along the Line of Actual Control in Eastern Ladakh.
The talks are scheduled two months after both the countries withdrew troops from friction Patrolling Point (PP) 17A in Gogra at the Line of Actual Control in Eastern Ladakh.
The disengagement process was carried out over two days i.e. August 4 and 5, 2021. The troops of both sides are now in their respective permanent bases.
It happened soon after twelfth round of talks between the Corps Commanders on July 31, 2021.
As an outcome of the meeting, both sides agreed on disengagement in Gogra. The troops in this area have been in a face-off situation since May last year.
With disengagement reached between both the countries for Gogra, India will now take up other remaining friction areas like Hot Springs and 900 square km Depsang plains during 13th round of military talks.
India has insisted during recent military commander meetings to resolve all issues across the Line of Actual Control.
Till now, apart from 12 round of Corps Commanders-level talks, the two forces have also held 10 Major Generals level, 55 Brigadiers-level talks and 1,450 calls over the hotlines.
Earlier, the troops of two Himalayan giants have disengaged from both the banks of Pangong Tso in February this year.
India and China have been engaged in border disputes for the last 16 months.
