Australian, Japanese, and German officials referred to China’s moves in South China as “dangerous” and “destabilising.”…reports Asian Lite News
Referring to the recent incident of water cannon being used at Philippines supply boat by Chinese coast guard ship, India on Friday said that issues in the South China Sea need to be resolved peacefully while urging China and the Philippines to adhere to international laws.
“Let me emphasize where we are on the South China Sea developments. We’ve always felt that the issues need to be resolved, disputes peacefully, and the rules-based order, and we would certainly urge parties to follow that as well as ensure that no such incidents do not happen,” Ministry of External Affairs Spokesperson Arindam Bagchi said when asked whether the tension between China and Philippinesis concerning India.
He further stated, “I mentioned specifically that I have already made a comment regarding the need to adhere to international law. I think I’d leave it at that.”
The “excessive and offensive” use of a water cannon by Chinese ship to block a Filipino supply boat occured at Second Thomas Shoal in the South China Sea.
He reiterated that India has a long-standing position on the disputes regarding South China Sea as parties need to adhere to international laws.
“We have also underlined the need for peaceful settlement of disputes,” he added.
On August 5, the Philippines accused Chinese Coast Guard ships of firing water cannons and making dangerous manoeuvres at its ships in the South China Sea.
“The Philippine Coast Guard (PCG) strongly condemns the China Coast Guard’s (CCG) dangerous manoeuvres and illegal use of water cannons against PCG vessels,” the PCG wrote in a statement shared on its official Facebook account Saturday.
PCG vessels were escorting ships carrying supplies to military troops stationed in Ayungin Shoal, also known as Second Thomas Shoal, in the Spratly Islands chain, known in China as the Nansha Islands.
China’s action received backlash from different countries. By Sunday, Washington, Manila’s principal ally, had denounced China’s actions and reaffirmed that it will uphold its end of the mutual defence pact with the Philippines.
Australian, Japanese, and German officials referred to China’s moves as “dangerous” and “destabilising.”
Meanwhile, China also reacted on the incident and in a response accused the Philippines Coast Guard (PCG) of trespassing in its waters.
“Two Filipino supply vessels and two coast guard vessels illegally intruded into the waters adjacent to Renai Reef in China’s Nansha Islands,” Gan Yu, spokesman for the China Coast Guard, said according to the statement published on its website.
“China coast guard implemented the necessary controls in accordance with the law and prevented the Philippine vessels carrying the illegal construction materials. We urge the Philippine side to immediately stop its infringing activities in that maritime area,” Gan Yu said according to the statement.
Beijing has disregarded a 2016 decision from an international court finding that its claim to practically all of the South China Sea, through which trillions of dollars in trade flow every year, has legal standing.
On July 12, 2016, the arbitral tribunal ruled in favour of the Philippines on most of its submissions. the arbitral tribunal adjudicating the Philippines’ case against China in the South China Sea ruled overwhelmingly in favour of the Philippines, determining that major elements of China’s claim—including its nine-dash line, recent land reclamation activities, and other activities in Philippine waters—were unlawful, according to the United States–China Economic and Security Review Commission.
However, China doesn’t accept the ruling, maintaining it was “null and void.” (ANI)
Indonesia leads ASEAN to counter China's heft in South China Sea(indianarrative)
China and Indonesia are at loggerheads over latest incursions in the South China Sea, writes Baladas Ghoshal
China’s greed for territories and resources, be it in the land or sea is again on display in the South China Sea. When the world is distracted by the ongoing Ukraine war and its geopolitical and economic impacts, it is again quietly flexing its muscles in disputed areas of the South China Sea — in this instance an area of the North Natuna Sea claimed by China and Indonesia. Vessel-tracking data show the Chinese vessel, CCG 5901, has been sailing in the Natuna Sea since 30 December, particularly near the Tuna production sharing contract — administered by Indonesia — and the producing Chim Sao oil and gas field across the maritime border with Vietnam, according to the Indonesian Ocean Justice Initiative.
The timing of China’s latest incursion into contested waters of the Natuna Sea is significant as it mirrors the Indonesian authorities’ approval of the plan of development for Harbour Energy’s Tuna block — close to the Indonesia-Vietnam maritime boundary — for which the UK operator is expected to this year to take the final investment decision. As per the arrangement, the Tuna’s gas would be supplied to Vietnam via a subsea pipeline. Production start-up from the offshore block is scheduled in 2027 with output expected to peak at 115 million cubic feet of gas.
Indonesia has recently decided to divide the Co2-heavy East Natuna gas field into three separate blocks is an effort to revive it as an economic proposition employing new carbon capture technology. Apparently, the move is influenced by economic reasons, but it may have been motivated by an attempt at resisting China’s efforts to enforce its illegal nine-dash line of territorial sovereignty over the maritime area situated at the southern reaches of the South China Sea. With the D Alpha block as its centrepiece, the northern extremity of East Natuna lies 75 kilometres south of the Tuna Block, a smaller discovery close to the Indonesia-Vietnam maritime border which is now being developed in the face of Chinese ownership claims.
The development of so-called carbon capture utilization and storage (CCUS) technology over the past decade could breathe new life into D Alpha, discovered more than 50 years ago at the height of the oil boom and last explored in October 1983. At that time it was found to be not very economical, but now the perspective has changed, conditioned by the availability of new technology and willingness to defend its own EEZ. Amelia Gustin, an energy security analyst, interestingly wrote in a paper last year.” The development of the (East Natuna) block can be interpreted as a way for Indonesia to protect its sovereignty and sovereign rights against all forms of interference and threats ….(It) is an affirmation of the state’s presence in the outermost areas and a manifestation of the government’s commitment to positioning the outermost island (Natuna) as a front porch, not a backyard.” .
CREDIT — Representational Image (ANI)
Last month, Vietnam and Indonesia concluded talks on the boundaries of their exclusive economic zones (EEZs), which also lie within the imaginary “nine-dash line” that Beijing uses to demarcate what it calls its “historical rights” over almost 90% of the South China Sea. An EEZ gives a state exclusive access to the natural resources in the waters and seabed, which Beijing does not respect and is a habitual offender of the UNCLOS principle. Hanoi and Jakarta have not disclosed details of the agreement and China has not protested officially, but Beijing is showing its disapproval of the agreement by deploying its largest coast guard ship sailing in the areas falling within the EEZ of Indonesia and Vietnam. The CCG 5901, also the world’s largest coast guard ship, larger than a US Navy guided-missile cruiser or destroyer; although carrying a less lethal armament of 76 mm rapid-fire guns, two auxiliary guns and two anti-aircraft guns, it is more heavily armed than most other coast guard vessels. It was still in the area on last Tuesday, according to ship tracker Marine Traffic, and has not shown any inclination to leave the area.
Earlier this month, Indonesia’s Upstream Oil and Gas Regulatory Task Force (SKK Migas) approved the plan to develop the Tuna oil and gas field, also known as the Tuna Block, in the North Natuna area. The Tuna Block lies entirely inside Indonesia’s EEZ and just 13 km (8 miles) from the border of the Vietnamese EEZ but the area is frequented by Chinese law enforcement and fishing boats. This is not the first time the Tuna block have courted unwarranted attention. In 2021, vessels from Indonesia and China shadowed each other for months after Chinese vessels were sailing near to where appraisal drilling was being performed. At the time, Beijing had urged Indonesia to call a halt to the drilling claiming sovereignty over the maritime area. Jakarta maintains that under UNCLOS (United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea), the southern end of the South China Sea is its exclusive economic zone, and named the area as the North Natuna Sea in 2017.
China rejects this, saying the maritime area is within its expansive territorial claim in the South China Sea marked by a U-shaped “nine-dash line,” a boundary the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague found to have no legal basis in 2016. The above episode saw the Jakarta government lodging a formal protest against China as Chinese coast guard and fishing vessels had entered into its exclusive economic zone in the North Natuna Sea, part of the contested South China Sea.The area is also home to Southeast Asia’s largest unexploited gas resource — the multi-trillion cubic feet East Natuna (Natuna D-Alpha) gas discovery. Indonesia historically has dismissed Beijing’s invitation to sit down and discuss the issue, claiming there is no dispute over sovereignty of these waters. Jakarta also announced plans to turn the North Natuna Sea into a special economic zone (SEZ) and to build new military facilities on the main island of Natuna Besar.
Indonesia’s response to the current incursion was low-key even while it deployed a warship, maritime patrol plane and drone to monitor the vessel, Indonesian Navy Chief Laksamana Muhammad Ali told Reuters. “The Chinese vessel has not conducted any suspicious activities,” he said “However, we need to monitor it as it has been in Indonesia’s exclusive economic zone for some time.” Neither Indonesia nor Vietnam wants to have an unnecessary confrontation with China at a time when the region is confronted with more pressing issues and they need Beijing’s cooperation, particularly in the areas of trade and infrastructure. Both Indonesia and Vietnam find in RCEP (Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership) a in which China is the main engine, beneficial model of economic integration and prosperity of the region, whereas the alternative model offered by the West, IPEF (Indo-Pacific Economic Partnership) is still quite vague and uncertain and falls short of the expectations of most Southeast Asian countries.
Vietnam’s concerns
However, Indonesia, Vietnam and Malaysia have all accused China of disrupting their oil and gas exploration activities with frequent incursions by Chinese coast guard and maritime militia ships, leading to confrontations. This time the Vietnamese government has not made any statement so far on the recent episode, but Vietnamese analysts have expressed their concern by saying the deployment of the CCG 5901, dubbed the “monster” ship and armed with heavy machine guns, may be China’s response to the Vietnam-Indonesia maritime limitation agreement. Le Hong Hiep, Senior Fellow at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore, said the Chinese coast guard ship’s operating area is “very close to the supposed boundary between Vietnam and Indonesia,” and it is an indication of China’s protest. Viet Hoang, another Vietnamese analyst fears this may signal a “prolonged stand-off in the area. China will not let it [the Vietnam-Indonesia agreement] go easily,” In 2021, Chinese survey and coast guard ships loitered uninvited for almost a month in the North Natuna area, where Indonesia’s oil and gas exploration was underway. Vietnam has concerns about another area in SCC, the Vanguard Bank, where Chinese coast guard ships are known to be present at a very regular frequency around the area from where they monitor and from time to time harass Vietnam’s oil exploration activities nearby. China at the time said its vessels were engaged in “routine” activities. This time, a spokesperson at the Chinese Embassy in Jakarta told Benar News the Chinese ship was “ in sea areas that China has jurisdiction in accordance with domestic law and international law,” indicating Beijing’s intention to assert its sovereignty over the area.
That only shows that even while there is no confrontation as yet, the dispute in the Natuna Sea has reared its head again, and can turn into a major flashpoint disturbing the peace and stability in the region.
(Baladas Ghoshal, is a former Professor and Chair in Southeast Asian Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University & Secretary General, Society for Indian Ocean Studies. Views expressed are personal and exclusive to India Narrative)
China’s militarisation of 20 outposts in the Paracel Islands and seven in the Spratly Islands in the disputed SCS over the past ten years has been a source of great concern…reports Asian Lite News
The geomorphologic stability of the South China Sea is in danger due to the Chinese militarisation of man-made islands in the region, according to a media report.
According to The Geneva Daily, China’s militarisation of 20 outposts in the Paracel Islands and seven in the Spratly Islands in the disputed South China Sea (SCS) over the past ten years has been a source of great concern for both the countries in the area and for everyone who supports the value of freedom of navigation. Closer examinations show that these military outposts may not actually be as strong as they appear to be. The geomorphologic stability of these man-made islands is a significant drawback. Since they were constructed quickly, no adequate structural feasibility or environmental effect analyses were done before they were completed.
The Geneva Daily claimed that as a result of the SCS’s extremely corrosive water and weather, the service life of the concrete structures there is anticipated to be fewer than 25 years. Despite their size and amenities, the outposts are underpopulated due to the uninhabitable factor.
While the lack of freshwater resources, particularly drinkable water, is undoubtedly a hindrance, studies have also shown that the islands present a serious threat to the physical and mental health of their long-term residents.
The Spratly Islands’ military officials had a high monthly morbidity rate, or incidences of health issues, according to a 2019 report that looked into and analysed the health needs of the officers and soldiers there, according to The Geneva Daily. These issues ranged from joint pain, skin diseases, and dental diseases to respiratory infections, gastrointestinal ailments, and head and neck issues.
Additionally, psychological issues like anxiety, depression, etc. are frequent, probably as a result of the bases’ isolation. China is doing several studies on physical and mental agility in SCS, indicating that the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is concerned about it.
In addition, the PLA is aware of additional operational vulnerabilities. These islands, which are far from the mainland, might be easily targeted by adversarial cruise missiles.
Additionally, in the event of interdiction, it might be difficult to provide resupplies by air or sea.
Therefore, in the event of a confrontation, the military value of these bases would quickly decline. Due to such circumstances, it appears that these hastily constructed military outposts in the SCS are nothing more than reported “white elephants”.
Though these military outposts in SCS are, in practice, serving the purpose of promoting Chinese hegemony in the region, can they stand the test of time and prove their operational utility, when actual conflict breaks out? Only time will tell. (ANI)
US destroyer sails near disputed Paracel Islands in the South China Sea, China says the ship was “driven away” …reports Asian Lite News
A US destroyer sailed near the disputed Paracel Islands in the South China Sea on Wednesday, drawing an angry reaction from Beijing, which said its military had “driven away” the ship after it illegally entering territorial waters.
The United States regularly carries out what it calls Freedom of Navigation Operations in the South China Sea challenging what it says are restrictions on innocent passage imposed by China and other claimants.
The US Navy said the USS Benfold “asserted navigational rights and freedoms in the South China Sea near the Paracel Islands, consistent with international law.”
“Unlawful and sweeping maritime claims in the South China Sea pose a serious threat to the freedom of the seas, including the freedoms of navigation and overflight, free trade and unimpeded commerce, and freedom of economic opportunity for South China Sea littoral nations.”
China says it does not impede freedom of navigation or overflight, accusing the United States of deliberately provoking tensions.
The People’s Liberation Army’s Southern Theatre Command said the US ship’s actions seriously violated China’s sovereignty and security by illegally entering China’s territorial waters around the Paracels, which are also claimed by Vietnam and Taiwan.
“The PLA’s Southern Theatre Command organized sea and air forces to follow, monitor, warn and drive away” the ship, it added.
“The facts once again show that the United States is nothing short of a ‘security risk maker in the South China Sea’ and a ‘destroyer of regional peace and stability.’“
China seized control of the Paracel Islands from the then-South Vietnamese government in 1974.
Monday marked the sixth anniversary of a ruling by an international tribunal that invalidated China’s sweeping claims to the South China Sea, a conduit for about $3 trillion worth of ship-borne trade each year.
China has never accepted the ruling.
China claims almost the entire South China Sea. Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Taiwan and Brunei all have competing and often overlapping claims.
China has built artificial islands on some of its South China Sea holdings, including airports, raising regional concerns about Beijing’s intentions.
US backs Philippines
The US has warned it will defend the Philippines against any attack on its ships or aircraft in the South China Sea.
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken made the statement on the sixth anniversary of a 2016 decision by an international arbitration tribunal that largely ruled in favor of the Philippines over the disputed maritime border. China did not participate in the arbitration.
“We re-affirm that an armed attack on Philippine armed forces … would invoke US mutual defense commitments,” Blinken said in a statement on Tuesday. The mutual defense commitments stem from a 1951 treaty between the allies.
“We call again on the People’s Republic of China to abide by its obligations under international law and cease its provocative behavior,” he added.
The Philippines’ newly appointed foreign secretary, Enrique Manalo, said on Tuesday that the 2016 court findings “are conclusive as they are indisputable.”
“We firmly reject attempts to undermine it; nay, even erase it from law, history and our collective memories,” Manalo added, without mentioning China by name.
The new administration has indicated a renewed focus on the maritime dispute — and the 2016 court ruling — after a period of warmer ties with China under Rodrigo Duterte, the former president.
Activists in the Philippines also staged a protest outside the Chinese consulate in Makati to mark the anniversary of the arbitration tribunal.
It comes a day after Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi warned leaders at the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) secretariat in Jakarta, Indonesia, not to be used as “chess pieces” by major powers.
China and the Philippines have been engaged in a decades-long dispute over swaths of the South China Sea, which include several tiny islands and reefs. Each country claims the sea as its historic fishing waters.
Vietnam, Taiwan, Malaysia and Brunei also have overlapping claims in the sea.
The waterway is a key global shipping route and sees roughly $5 trillion (€5 trillion) worth of goods transported each year.
The South China Sea is also believed to be rich in oil and gas deposits.
China vows on code of conduct
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi yesterday pledged to speed up consultations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) on the long-awaited Code of Conduct for the South China Sea. While it is unlikely to signal much progress on the perennially promised agreement, it does offer an insight into how Beijing is seeking to counter the recent U.S. diplomatic offensive in the region.
Wang made the comments during a meeting with Malaysian Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah in Putrajaya, the final stop of a five-nation tour of Southeast Asia that has also taken him to Myanmar, Thailand, the Philippines, and Indonesia.
According to a report by Malaysian state media agency Bernama, Wang pledged that China would speed up consultations on the Code of Conduct (COC) and “advocate true multilateralism and advanced open regionalism.”
The most recent subtle initiative Indonesia has taken is to invite officials in charge of maritime security from five other countries in ASEAN to meet to discuss how to respond to China’s assertiveness in the South China Sea….writes Baladas Ghoshal
China has formally opened another front in its bellicosity in the South China Sea, and practically forcing Jakarta to accept a dispute in the Natunas, where there is none, as the area concerned is within the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of Indonesia as per the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). Beijing claims that its “nine-dash” line, an artificial boundary invented by the CCP (Communist Party of China) that covers most of the South China Sea, giving it ownership of this entire maritime area extending to the EEZ of Indonesia in the Natuna Islands. The EEZ is an area extending up to 200 nautical miles from the baseline of a country. While other countries have a right of innocent passage in such territory, a country has special rights regarding exploration and use of maritime resources in its EEZ, to the exclusion of other powers. Jakarta has always stood up to China bullying her in the EEZ without declaring it loudly.
China has repeatedly told Indonesia to halt an oil and natural gas development project in the South China Sea, claiming infringement on its territorial waters. But in early December last year, it officially communicated to the Indonesian government to stop appraisal drilling at Harbour Energy’s (LON:HBR) Tuna Block offshore Indonesia in maritime territory that both nations view as their own during a months-long standoff in the South China Sea, reported Reuters. The unprecedented demand raised tensions over natural resources between China and Indonesia in a volatile area of global strategic and economic importance. China not only objected to the drilling operations, but had also sent coast guard vessels into the area to mount pressure on Indonesia. Jakarta has not openly disclosed about China’s protests, as that would amount to an admission of a dispute in the area. Even while it does not acknowledge the existence of a dispute, Indonesia in May 2020 sent the United Nations a letter rejecting Beijing’s historical claims in the sea indicated by its nine-dash like maps.. China, in turn, sent a counter reply to the UN, maintaining its claims in the South China Sea while seeking a solution through negotiations, which Jakarta flatly rejected.
While not inclined to make the spat with China public, Indonesian President Joko Widodo has pursued Jakarta’s traditional diplomatic approach of being equidistant from both the United States and China. Like most other ASEAN countries, Indonesia doesn’t want to take sides between the two rival powers despite all the Chinese bullying. And he adopted a clever strategy of roping in Britain and Russia to deal with the Chinese pressure. Jakarta sought the support of a consortium of Britain’s Harbour Energy and Russian state oil company Zarubezhneft to lay a pipeline across the North Natuna Sea to connect with Vietnam’s offshore network. The two companies have already announced that they have found a modest gross gas resource of 600 billion cubic feet after drilling of two appraisal wells in the Tuna block, about 10 km from Indonesia’s EEZ. Despite Beijing’s objections, the drilling continued for six months and was completed last November with Indonesia’s Bakamla (Badan Keamaanan Laut Repulik Indonesia- Indonesian Maritime Security Agency)- claiming success in their ventures, which some analysts called it “a grand �victory’ over the Chinese.”
Beijing’s bellicosity in the South China
China equally doesn’t let Vietnam drill oil and gas in its own EEZ, which forced Hanoi to seek Tokyo’s support. Similarly, China doesn’t let the Philippines drill oil in its own waters either, which ultimately forced Manila to start drilling in open defiance to China. Not only that, Beijing imposes annual summer fishing bans in the South China Sea in an attempt to deprive other legitimate countries from fishing in their own EEZ. Both Malaysia and the Philippines too, face an aggressive Beijing in their South China Sea possessions. China already controls the Scarborough Shoal – a disputed feature in the South China Sea, claimed by both Beijing and Manila. Presently, Chinese maritime militias are also eyeing Whitsun Reef, a geographical feature in Filipino waters, which is also being claimed by China. Malaysia, on the other hand, is itself a victim of Chinese bullying. Chinese coastguard ships harass Malaysian oil and gas vessels operating in their own waters. China claims Malaysian territory also and forbids it to drill there.
Signs of Unity among the Claimant States
Brunei, a tiny Sultanate, where China has invested extensively, was naturally passive for a long time in its response towards Beijing denying the country to drill in its own EEZ. But last year, Brunei was appointed as the ASEAN chair and was no longer passive and it quietly showed the ability to mobilise claimant states of ASEAN as well as Indonesia, to express concern about China’s aggressive behaviour over the South China Sea disputes. This happened despite China’s attempts to woo Brunei through vaccine diplomacy sending a batch of Sinopharm Covid-19 vaccines in a donation to which its Second Minister of foreign affairs Haji Erywan thanked the former. In January, a Chinese state-owned company Guangxi Beibu Gulf International Port Group had also signed a deal to redevelop and manage a fisheries port in Brunei. But the tiny Kingdom decided to cooperate with other South China Sea disputants who wanted to tackle Beijing’s assertiveness in the hotly contested region. While China is trying to pull Brunei to its side, the latter, it seems, has made up its mind to stick with fellow South China Sea disputants within the regional bloc.
Singapore, which is neither a claimant state on the South China Sea, nor has any disputes with any ASEAN members, is also increasingly becoming active on finding a way to manage the conflict. Recent agreements for cooperation in oil exploration and maritime security sectors suggest that some ASEAN members are ready to forgo their own petty differences and take on the main challenge, China. Plans for a maritime accord between Malaysia and Vietnam, for instance, indicate how the ASEAN neighbours are ready to come closer to each other in face of growing Chinese revisionism. However, minor the shift is, it is the beginning of a semblance of unity among some ASEAN members in the face of China’s belligerence and their own existential crisis.
Indonesia dares China
The most recent subtle initiative Indonesia has taken is to invite officials in charge of maritime security from five other countries in ASEAN to meet early next year to discuss how to respond to China’s assertiveness in the South China Sea. Head of Bakamla, Vice Adm. Aan Kurnia, was quoted in the Indonesian media as telling reporters that he had invited his counterparts from Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Vietnam to a meeting in February 2022 to “share experiences and foster brotherhood” among the countries facing similar challenges posed by China. Maritime agencies from the six countries took part in an ASEAN Coast Guard Forum last October, signalling willingness to cooperate. The Jakarta Post quoted Aan as saying that it is important “to present a coordinated approach” in matters related to the South China Sea, and “how to respond in the field when we face the same �disturbance’.” The vice admiral did not mention China by name.
A meeting similar to the ASEAN Coast Guard forum would be a “great opportunity for ASEAN coast guards and maritime law enforcement agencies to talk and cooperate with each other,” Satya Pratama, a senior Indonesian government official and a former Bakamla captain was quoted to have said. “It is also a good idea for Indonesia [through Bakamla] to explain Indonesia’s intention so that others can understand and follow suit,” he said.
“Coast guards in Southeast Asia have a bad history of cooperation – they see each other as their primary challenges, even worse than the navies, which have learned to cooperate amid competition,” to quote Thomas Daniel, a senior fellow at Malaysia’s Institute of Strategic and International Studies (ISIS).. This is reflected in ASEAN’s attempt to negotiate a Code of Conduct (COC) to regulate maritime activities there, with some nations like the current ASEAN chair Cambodia reluctant to criticize Beijing. This also finds expression in the comment by the Filipino foreign secretary Teodore Locsin Jr. who spoke of those difficulties earlier last month when he addressed a meeting between foreign ministers from ASEAN and Group of Seven (G7) developed countries. He said that as ASEAN countries and China struggle to agree on the South China Sea issues, “recent incidents and the heightened tension � remain a serious concern.” “These worrying developments underscore the urgency and importance of the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea � But negotiations for the COC, even on our watch, went nowhere,” Locsin said. Antonio Carpio, a former justice of the Philippine Supreme Court, had his own suggestion that five ASEAN coastal states – the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia and Brunei, plus Indonesia – should form a coalition “to oppose China’s hegemony and bullying”
Challenges to Unity remain
Forging unity among the five ASEAN states is not going to be an easy task, as there are longstanding trust issue between them, as well as fear of retaliation by China. In the meantime, however, the Vietnam Coast Guard and the Indonesian Maritime Security Agency signed a memorandum of understanding last month on cooperation in strengthening maritime security and safety between the two forces. But overlapping maritime claims have been an irritant in Vietnam-Indonesia bilateral relations for decades. The two countries frequently clash over the issue of illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing. In 2019, for example, Indonesia seized and destroyed 38 Vietnamese vessels for illegal fishing. A similar situation is seen between Vietnam and the Philippines, as well as between Indonesia and Malaysia. Yet the very attempt by Indonesia to create some understanding between the coast guards of the five countries signals a resolve on their part to display their unity vis-�-vis the Chinese bully. Whether the attempt to forge unity succeeds or not, it surely heralds a shift in the ASEAN way of doing things from consensus principle to pragmatic approach to deal with China challenge.
Indonesia bolstering its own defences
Meanwhile, on its own,Indonesia is preparing herself for any eventuality and looks to bolster its defences in and around Natuna, suspecting that China is exploring opportunities to seize effective control of the islands. The Indonesian military is lengthening an air base runway so that additional planes can be deployed, together with the construction of a submarine base as well. Local fishing vessels act as eyes and ears, take part in an early warning system on the lookout for approaching Chinese ships. With the USA, Jakarta is building a joint training facility for coast guard personnel near Natuna. The two nations held their biggest joint military exercise to date this August, spanning three locations in Indonesia. The drills simulated island defences.
Indonesia could be the next buyer of BrahMos after the Philippines
To build its defence capacities and capabilities Indonesia also has growing defence cooperation with Japan, Australia and India. New Delhi has already finalized a deal with the Filipinos for supply of Brah-Mos supersonic missile systems, jointly produced by India and Russia, amid China’s aggressive territorial claims in the South China Sea region. BrahMos will upload substantial confirmed capacity to the Philippines’ coastal defences, and it compares favourably with the anti-ship missiles in carrier with different navies. It is some distance quicker than the U.S. Army’s Tomahawk or the Chinese language PLA Army’s YJ-18.
India is exploring the possibility of selling the BrahMos cruise missile to Indonesia, and a team from the Indo-Russian joint venture that makes the weapon system visited a state-run shipyard in Surabaya last year to assess the fitting of the missile on Indonesian warships, Besides the BrahMos, India has offered to supply coastal defence radars and marine grade steel to Indonesia and to service the Russian-made Su-30 combat jets flown by the Indonesian air force as part of efforts to deepen bilateral defence and military cooperation.
With a commanding maritime strategic location and ample attributes of developing its national power, Indonesia could well become the spearhead within the ASEAN to checkmate China’s expansionist drive in the South China Sea.
(The content is being carried under an arrangement with indianarrative.com)
This is known as “grey-zone tactics” when unconventional forces and methods are used to pursue strategic interests while trying to avoid the possibility of a conflict…reports Asian Lite News.
The numbers and rapid deployment of Chinese maritime vessels have “radically changed the peacetime balance of forces in the South China Sea”.
According to a new report by the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) hundreds of Chinese maritime militia vessels are operating in contested areas of the South China Sea poses a significant challenge to “maritime order rooted in international law.”
Citing Radio Free Asia, India-Pacific Defense Forum reported that for years the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has been funding the expansion of the maritime vessels to assert its claims in the South China Sea.
In its report published in November 2021, “Pulling Back the Curtain on China’s Maritime Militia,” CSIS provided a comprehensive profile of a force that it said has been operating alongside Chinese law enforcement and military to achieve Chinese political objectives in disputed waters.
This is known as “grey-zone tactics” when unconventional forces and methods are used to pursue strategic interests while trying to avoid the possibility of a conflict.
The report said that the creation in recent years of Chinese outposts with large port facilities led to a sharp increase in the number of maritime militia vessels sailing to the disputed Spratly Islands.
“The big picture is that there have been about 300 maritime militia vessels deployed in large groups around the Spratly Islands since August 2018, relying on China’s artificial islands for logistics support but no longer cloistering themselves within those harbours,” the report alleged.
The report said that the vessels are funded by the Chinese government through subsidies “that incentivize local actors to construct vessels in accordance with military specifications and to operate them.”
The authors concluded that “the majority of Chinese fishing vessels in disputed areas of the South China Sea do not operate as independent commercial actors but instead as paid agents of the Chinese government obligated to help fulfil its political and national security objectives.”
Additionally, the report provided a list of 112 Chinese militia vessels allegedly active in the South China Sea, and 52 more ships “likely to be militia.”
Radio Free Asia has previously used Chinese corporate records, bidding documents and Chinese state media to determine that numerous “fishermen” are Chinese militiamen responsible for guarding CCP outposts.
The report also said since completing the construction of its artificial island outposts in the Spratly Islands in 2016, the CCP has shifted its focus toward asserting control over peacetime activities across the South China Sea, and the maritime militia is a key component of this shift.
Since then, militia boats have been deployed regularly and in great numbers to disputed waters in the Spratlys. A recent large-scale deployment was in March 2021, when about 200 suspected militia boats gathered near the Whitsun Reef in Union Banks, leading to a diplomatic rift between China and the Philippines. (ANI)
Moscow will be sending its large anti-submarine ship Admiral Panteleev to take part in the naval drill, reports Asian Lite News
Russia will hold the first-ever joint naval exercises with the member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the South China Sea, starting next Wednesday.
Alexander Ivanov, Russia’s Permanent Representative to ASEAN, has revealed that the exercises will be held in the region of North Sumatra from December 1-3 and Moscow will be sending its large anti-submarine ship Admiral Panteleev, which is part of the Pacific Fleet of the Russian Navy, to take part in them.
“The decision to hold joint naval exercises was made at the Fourth Russia-ASEAN Summit, which was attended by Russian President Vladimir Putin on October 28, 2021, by videoconference. The meeting was timed to coincide with the 30th anniversary of the establishment of relations, which is celebrated this year between our country and the association, “the diplomat told RIA Novosti, the state-owned domestic news agency of Russia.
US Navy warships sailing through the South China Sea (Photo twitter@USNavy)
The head of the diplomatic mission said that several decisions were taken in the summit to develop the strategic partnership between Russia and ASEAN.
“The exercises are aimed at practicing interaction between the Russian Navy and the Navy of the ASEAN member countries to ensure the safety of maritime commercial activities and navigation and will be divided into two phases – virtual and maritime,” said Ivanov.
He informed that Prabovo Subiyanto, the Defence Minister of Indonesia, is planning to inaugurate the exercise from the Russian destroyer.
As reported by IndiaNarrative.com, Moscow is enhancing defence partnerships with like-minded partners in the region, including India. Secretary of the Russian Security Council Nikolay Patrushev was in Colombo on Monday to define the Kremlin’s renewed focus on South Asia.
(The content is being carried under an arrangement with indianarrative.com)
China’s claim to sovereignty over the South China Sea and its willingness and ability to pursue it has long been creating friction with countries in the area, which stake their own claims to parts of the sea…reports Asad Mirza
Ever since Communist China came into existence in 1949, its belligerence over South China Sea – SCS, has been increasing and some recent events have increased its hostility in the regional sea and towards its neighbour Taiwan. China claims almost all of the SCS covering roughly 3.5 million square kilometres, and its estimated 190 trillion cubic feet of natural gas and 11 billion barrels of oil, in addition to maritime resources such as fish, as part of Chinese territory. Though the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague had firmly rejected China’s sovereignty claim in 2016 but even five years after that ruling, China continues to reject the court’s authority.
China’s covert activities in the SCS
In the International Law Studies journal of 2021, Vol. 97, Captain Raul Pedrozo, Professor of International Law at the US Naval War College says the term ‘sea areas under the jurisdiction of the People’s Republic of China’ is not defined in the law and is purposely vague.
Recently China revised its Maritime Traffic Safety Law (MTSL), effective September 1, which requires certain foreign vessels sailing into Chinese “territorial waters” to notify Beijing in advance. Foreign vessels such as foreign submarines, nuclear-powered ships, ships carrying radioactive, toxic or hazardous materials and any other vessels that “may endanger the maritime traffic safety” of China are required to provide information including their ships’ names and numbers, recent locations, satellite telephone numbers and dangerous goods. “Article 2 of the MTSL expands application of the law from ‘coastal waters’ to ‘sea areas under the jurisdiction of the People’s Republic of China”, which means the SCS.
In September 2021, the PLA air force conducted troop transports with a number of large Y-20 transport aircraft to three airstrips in the Spratly archipelago, where China has built and militarised artificial islands on top of the reefs in the SCS, according to Chinese state media Global Times.
China’s claim to sovereignty over the South China Sea and its willingness and ability to pursue it has long been creating friction with countries in the area, which stake their own claims to parts of the sea, including Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Taiwan, and Vietnam.
China also regularly deploys its large civilian fishing fleet to further its goals in the SCS. In March 2021, a huge Chinese fishing fleet descended on Whitsun Reef, which lies within the exclusive economic zone of the Philippines. Almost seven months later more than 150 Chinese vessels reportedly remain in Philippine waters.
Tensions continue to rise in the SCS, as China, ramps up its military activities in the region. Within only the first four days of October, China conducted a record-breaking 150 incursions into Taiwan’s air defence identification zone (ADIZ) — after China’s People Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) had already, in September, set another monthly record with 117 incursions, some with nuclear-capable bombers, fighter jets and reconnaissance planes. Also in August and September, China conducted assault drills near Taiwan with war ships, early-warning aircraft, anti-submarine aircraft and bombers.
China’s Sea BRI
In addition to this, the Chinese government has embarked on the Sea version of its Belt & Road Initiative (BRI). Under this programme Chinese companies, COSCO Shipping Ports and China Merchants Port, two state-owned enterprises which account for the operations of 81 per cent of those ports, have acquired 95 ports globally out of which 22 are in Europe, 20 in the Middle East and North Africa, 18 in the Americas, 18 in South and Southeast Asia, and nine in sub-Saharan Africa.
If we analyse these acquisitions by China, which on the face of it looks commercial, most of these investments comes at a very high cost with very low RoI, but in reality these investments are driven by China’s geopolitical ambitions, thus the RoI does not matter to the Chinese state.
The paper “Weaponising the Belt and Road Initiative,” written by Daniel R. Russell and Blake H. Berger and published by Asia Society Policy Institute in September 2020, underlines this fact stating that, “a deliberate military and strategic functionality seems clearly entrenched in the initiative…. There is abundant evidence it is developing a network of strategic strongpoints that can significantly raise the costs of any US military intervention and lower the willingness of BRI host governments to offer access or assistance to the US”.
In addition the paper notes that the US naval vessels might not be able to call regularly at ports under Chinese management because of the risk that commercial port information-technology systems could be used to monitor or interfere with military systems and jeopardise US information and cyber security. For this very reason, the US warned Israel that China’s management of the new Haifa port terminal could potentially damage US-Israeli security cooperation, as it might lead to US Navy ships refraining from docking at Haifa.
Further this investment in and ownership of ports worldwide creates economic and political leverage for the Chinese government, as it could affect local policy and decision-making. For example after Chinese acquisition of the port of Piraeus, Greece blocked an EU statement criticising China’s human rights record and also prevented a unified EU statement against China’s behaviour in the SCS besides opposing tougher screenings of Chinese investments in Europe.
The USN Chief of Naval Operations Admiral Gary Roughead said in 2019 that China’s port acquisitions and operations pose certain risks for US Navy vessels that call at ports under Chinese management.
If we put two and two together then the maritime strategy of China in the SCS and rest of the world becomes quite clear. While on the one hand by show of strength it is trying to dominate Taiwan and other smaller countries in the region. Secondly, by buying and managing ports worldwide it has charted a route which ensures availability of gas and natural gas to the Chinese factories and if required the Chinese military vessels could be deployed there quite quickly, and the nation in which that port exists might not be able to even utter a whisper as it is already under the economic burden of Chinese loans and aid programme.
Overall, the Chinese aggression in the SCS and its port-buying programme are in fact a direct challenge to the US in the global waters and China has been able to achieve this at a very little cost.
(Asad Mirza is a political commentator based in New Delhi. He writes on Muslims, educational, international affairs, interfaith and current affairs. Views expressed are personal)
The United States has been stirring up trouble out of nothing, arbitrarily sending advanced military vessels and aircraft into their South China Sea as provocations ,said China’s deputy permanent representative Dai Bing…reports Asian Lite News
After the United States raised the issue of the South China Sea issue at the UN Security Council, China’s deputy permanent representative Dai Bing on Monday said the US has itself become the biggest threat to peace and stability in the South China Sea.
Participating in the high-level open debate ‘Enhancing Maritime Security – A Case for International Cooperation’ of the UN Security Council chaired by Prime Minister Narendra Modi through videoconference, Bing said “I wish to point out that the Security Council is not the right place to discuss the issue of trust the South China Sea.”
“The United States just mentioned that South China Sea issue, and trying to formally oppose this act at present with a joint effort of China and ASEAN countries, the situation in the South China Sea remains generally stable, all countries, enjoyed the freedom of navigation and overflight, in accordance with international law,” Bing said.
He said, “The United States itself is not qualified to make a responsible remark on the issue of the South China Sea. The United States has been stirring up trouble out of nothing, arbitrarily sending advanced military vessels and aircraft into their South China Sea as provocations and publicly trying to drive a wedge into regional countries, especially countries concerned. This country itself has become the biggest threat to peace and stability in the South China Sea.”
Beijing claims sovereignty over almost the entire South China Sea and has overlapping territorial claims with Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines, Vietnam and Taiwan.
US President Joe Biden, when he was the vice president, with China’s President Xi Jinping during a visit to Beijing in 2011. (File Photo White House_IANS)
China’s territorial claims in the South China Sea and its efforts to advance into the Indian Ocean are seen to have challenged the established rules-based system.
China’s deputy permanent representative also criticised the US saying that it does not join the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) but considers itself a judge of the convention pointing fingers at other countries interfere arbitrarily, it has no credibility American issues.
Bing’s remarks come after US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken expressed concerns regarding actions of China that intimidated other states while unlawfully expanding its maritime resources.
Blinken said that maritime security is in serious danger especially in the South China Sea.
Meanwhile, China has announced that it will hold a five-day military exercise from Friday in the South China Sea as tensions escalate in the region.
The exercise, which will include setting up a vast navigation restriction zone, comes as the US and other countries in the region are building pressure on Beijing by holding large-scale military drills. (ANI)
Photo - Japan Ministry of Defense/Self-Defense Forces
Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin underscored American support for the US – Japan Alliance and emphasized its role in maintaining a Free and Open Indo-Pacific, reports Asian Lite News
Japanese Defence Minister Nobuo Kishi and US Defence Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III held a telephonic conversation on Friday and exchanged views over the current situation in the East and South China seas, where China is expanding its military presence.
Speaking to reporters, Kishi said he and the US defence chief agreed to further strengthen the deterrence and response capabilities of the bilateral alliance in light of the increasingly severe security environment, Kyodo News reported.
The talks, held at the request of the United States, came as Austin wrapped up his trip to Singapore, Vietnam, and the Philippines from Monday.
According to Pentagon Press Secretary John F Kirby, Austin underscored American support for the U.S.-Japan Alliance and emphasized its role in maintaining a Free and Open Indo-Pacific.
US Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin (Photo: @SecDef/Twitter)
Austin’s trip to the Southeast Asian countries “clearly shows that the United States will deeply commit to this region’s security and is very significant,” Kishi said.
Secretary Austin congratulated Minister Kishi on a successful opening ceremony for the Tokyo 2020 Summer Olympic Games and discussed his trip to Southeast Asia.
Secretary Austin and Minister Kishi “concurred on the need to continue strengthening U.S.-Japan Alliance cooperation to address an increasingly uncertain regional security environment”, said the statement.
They further agreed to build on the momentum generated by their March “2+2” meeting to build closer defense cooperation in the months to come.
Indo-Pacific region is largely viewed as an area comprising the Indian Ocean and the western and central Pacific Ocean, including the South China Sea.
On the long flight home, I'll be reflecting on all the productive discussions I had with our friends & partners in Singapore, Vietnam & the Philippines.
America’s network of alliances & friendships is an unparalleled strategic asset, and it’s an asset I do not take for granted. pic.twitter.com/upsJr0YtBm
— Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III (@SecDef) July 30, 2021
China’s territorial claims in the South China Sea and its efforts to advance into the Indian Ocean are seen to have challenged the established rules-based system.
China has been increasing its maritime activities in both the South China Sea and the East China Sea over the past few months, partly in response to Beijing’s concerns over the increasing US military presence in the region because of escalating Sino-US tensions.
Recently, tensions between China and Japan have escalated amid increased activity by Beijing in the disputed East China Sea.
This comes after Beijing implemented a new law that allows the country’s quasi-military force to use weapons against foreign ships that China sees as illegally entering its waters. (ANI)
