Osama Al Sharif - Central News Hub

Arab Allies In A Fix Over Israel’s Attacks on Al-Aqsa

What Jordan and the Palestinians fear now is that the Israeli premier is caving in to pressure to divide the mosque itself; thus allowing Jews to share the inner sanctum of the mosque and perform Talmudic prayers there … writes Osama Al Sharif

In the prickly political landscape of the Middle East, religious-based violence will almost always trump political expediency. And as much as Israel was able to weave a web of new alliances with long-time Arab foes in the past few years, its repeated breaches of Al-Aqsa Mosque during the month of Ramadan and violent attacks on Palestinian worshippers in addition to allowing hundreds of Jewish extremists to tour the Muslim compound and perform Talmudic rituals was too much to bear even for its Gulf allies.

Responding to calls from influential King Abdullah of Jordan, who was convalescing in Frankfurt from spine surgery, the UAE Foreign Ministry summoned the Israeli ambassador to Abu Dhabi last week to deliver a “strong protest and denunciation of the events taking place in Jerusalem and [in] Al-Aqsa Mosque, including attacks on civilians and incursions into holy places that resulted in the injury of a number of civilians.”

This was the first public rebuke of Israeli actions by the UAE since establishing diplomatic relations between the two countries two years ago. Not to be left out, Bahrain and Morocco too deplored Israel’s escalations at Al-Aqsa.

To underline that Abu Dhabi was serious about its position, Emirati airline Wizz Air Abu Dhabi announced that it will not be participating in an Israeli Independence Day flyover in May. Both moves represented what can be described as setting a line in the sand by the UAE, which had taken bold moves to build what observers saw as an alliance between Tel Aviv and Abu Dhabi, especially in the areas of military and intelligence cooperation, free trade, tourism, energy and others.

When Israel’s new allies reacted this way, the response from old allies was even worse. Amman had sparred with Israel before over breaches of Al-Aqsa, where King Abdullah is recognised as custodian. This time Jordan launched a flurry of diplomatic contacts to put pressure on Israel to respect the historical status quo, which recognizes the 14 square kilometre Al Haram Al Sharif as a place for Muslim worship but allows non-Muslims to visit the compound in coordination with the Islamic Waqf.

The Aqsa Mosque, the third holiest mosque in Islam, has been a flashpoint between Palestinians and Israelis since the 1967 war and the occupation of East Jerusalem. In 2000 when Likud leader Ariel Sharon stormed the compound in a provocative visit he triggered a second Palestinian Intifada. In 2015 then Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu agreed to an agreement, brokered by the Americans, to respect the historical status quo at Al-Aqsa.

Jordan King: Israel must respect rights of Muslims to worship at al-Aqsa

But with right-wing parties in Israel gaining the upper hand in the past two decades, influential far-right parties and voters pressured successive governments to open up the Mosque’s compound to radical Jewish visitors. Often these visits ended with Israeli occupation forces attacking Palestinian worshipers.

Since Naftali Bennett, a right-winger himself, formed his broad coalition government last June, he tried to appease radical Jewish settlers and small extremist parties by lifting objections to almost daily visits/breaches of the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound. Last May Hamas and Israel went to war over such breaches and attacks on worshippers during the holy month of Ramadan.

What Jordan and the Palestinians fear now is that the Israeli premier is caving in to pressure to divide the mosque itself; thus allowing Jews to share the inner sanctum of the mosque and perform Talmudic prayers there. Israelis claim that the holy site, which they call Temple Mount, is also the location of the Jewish Temple on which the temple of Solomon once stood. Far-right politicians and radical Jews declare that their intention is to demolish Al-Aqsa Mosque and rebuild the Jewish temple on its ruins.

For King Abdullah, whose great grandfather King Abdullah I was assassinated at the steps of Al-Aqsa in 1951, the link to the holy site cannot be severed at any cost—even if that meant terminating the peace treaty with Israel. The legitimacy of the Hashemites of Jordan is embedded in what Muslims call the Noble Sanctuary, from where Prophet Muhammad ascended to heaven on a miraculous nocturnal journey. For more than a billion Muslims believe in the sanctity of Al-Aqsa Mosque/Al-Haram Al-Sharif is anchored in the Holy Quran and Sunnah.

Jordan Israel responsible for serious repercussions at al-Aqsa mosque

This is where religion gets in the way of politics. Despite the UAE’s strategic decision to sign a peace treaty with Israel, it cannot look the other way when Israel, for no clear logical reason, provokes tens of millions of Muslims by attacking the mosque and unarmed Muslim worshippers in the midst of the holy month of Ramadan.

The UAE, Bahrain, Morocco and even Egypt and Jordan would rather deal with a secular Israel within its 1948 borders and not with Israel as an occupying power that kills Palestinians, usurps their lands and defiles Muslim shrines on daily basis. This now is the conundrum facing Gulf and Arab leaders. None want their relationship with Israel to drag them into a religious showdown. They would rather focus on geopolitical threats such as that of Iran and possibly Turkey at a time when there is a growing perception that the United States is abandoning the Middle East.

But understanding domestic Israeli politics is crucial for the determination of the future of Arab ties with Israel. The Israeli left has been decimated in the past decade and a half and the centre-left cannot form a government without relying on small far-right parties. The fact is that the Israeli society has been veering to the far right for some years and with every election cycle.

Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett and Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi and

Gulf leaders will adapt to the fact that they are dealing with radical far-right Israeli governments in the foreseeable future and that means that religious tensions will continue to take centre stage at the domestic level. Striking a balance will be a delicate task. The Arab world cannot afford to look the other way or watch as false witnesses if and when a radical Israeli government makes the daring step of dividing Al-Aqsa Mosque or worse.

(Osama Al Sharif is a journalist and political commentator based in Amman)

Ukraine War Hits Regional Equations

India, among other US allies, finds itself in a hot spot over Russia’s war on Ukraine … writes Osama Al Sharif. While India has moved closer to the United States in the past decade to offset the meteoritic rise of China, Moscow remains India’s main weapons supplier with at least 60 percent of the country’s arsenal being largely Soviet or Russian made. Moreover, as India’s economy grows it is becoming more dependent on fossil energy and it has looked at Russia for strategic deals

As Russia’s war in Ukraine enters its second month—without Moscow achieving its major objectives including the conquest of Kyiv or the occupation of Odessa—NATO and the EU appear to be the only key US allies that remain united in condemning the Kremlin and imposing a series of tough sanctions aimed at stifling the Russian economy. For other US allies the picture is much different.

For Israel, Saudi Arabia and the UAE the reaction has been surprisingly defiant of Washington. Israel offered itself as a mediator in the crisis, with Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett travelling to Moscow to meet Russian President Vladmir Putin while maintaining contacts with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who was allowed, after some hesitation by the Israelis, to address the Knesset. Israel has not imposed sanctions on Russia while Jewish Russian so-called oligarchs found sanctuary there.

Riyadh and Abu Dhabi have rebuffed pleas from President Joe Biden to increase oil production in order to rein in the surge in energy prices which has hit the US and Europe hard. The two countries are frustrated with the Biden White House for not taking a tough stand on the Houthi drone and missile strikes against both countries. Also they join Israel in expressing frustration with Washington’s push to revive the Iran nuclear deal without getting guarantees from Tehran that it would end its meddling in Yemen, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon.

India Prime Minister Narendra Modi Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping at the RIC Russia-India-China Informal Summit

But while the position of these countries can be put into perspective it is the Indian stand that has irked Washington the most. India abstained on a series of UN votes condemning the invasion and is yet to impose sanctions on Moscow. But that does not appear to be happening any time soon. In fact, last Thursday India’s Foreign Ministry told parliament that New Delhi has friendly relations with both the United States and Russia that stand on their own merit.

“India has called for immediate cessation of hostilities and return to the path of diplomacy and dialogue with respect to the conflict in Ukraine,” junior foreign minister Meenakashi Lekhi told parliament, as reported by Reuters.

While India has moved closer to the United States in the past decade to offset the meteoritic rise of China, Moscow remains India’s main weapons supplier with at least 60 percent of the country’s arsenal being largely Soviet or Russian made. Moreover, as India’s economy grows it is becoming more dependent on fossil energy and it has looked at Russia for strategic deals. To the upset of Washington, India and Russia are closer to an agreement where New Delhi would buy Russian oil and gas and pay in rupees or at a discount. With Saudi Arabia talking to China about replacing the US dollar for the yuan in future oil transactions, the decades-old hegemony of the petrodollar appears to be at stake.

While US officials were cautious about criticizing Israel, Saudi Arabia and the UAE for their positions on the Ukraine crisis, President Biden was clear in pointing the finger at India. Before leaving for Europe last week, Biden said that only India is among the Quad group of countries that is “somewhat shaky” in acting against Russia over its invasion of Ukraine. Initiated in 2007, the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD), or QUAD, is a strategic security dialogue between Australia, India, Japan, and the United States.

While Biden has not called Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi recently, both Australia and Japan top officials did. But Modi is yet to choose a clear side. Diplomatically, India has urged an end to the violence in Ukraine but with Biden pushing for more sweeping global sanctions on Moscow, India will soon feel the pressure. Prime Minister Modi spoke to both Putin and Zelenskyy shortly after the invasion and urged an end to hostilities.

Part of India’s hesitation to denounce Russia out-rightly has to do with its own border disputes with China and Pakistan—in the latter there is the critical clash regarding sovereignty over Kashmir.

At the same time India has become a major economic partner of the US with bilateral trade reaching more than $113 billion in 2021 while bilateral trade with Russia stood at only $10.8 billion last year, accounting for less than 1.5 percent of India’s total.

The pressing challenge for Modi is how long can he afford to walk this diplomatic tightrope especially if the Ukraine crisis lingers on and Washington forces him to make a choice? It is not only the US that India may be facing but much of Europe as well. As parties to this conflict move closer to the brink many of America’s allies, who have divergent political, economic and strategic agendas, will be under pressure to choose a side and that will come at a cost.

(Osama Al Sharif is a journalist and political commentator based in Amman.)