Most voters in Gorakhpur are not even willing to think of an option or choice in elections…reports Asian Lite News
It is actually no battle at all but is still being termed as the ‘mother of all battles’ in Uttar Pradesh elections.
UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, who is contesting his first Assembly elections from Gorakhpur, is facing first timers as his opponents in the electoral arena.
Yogi Adityanath is the head of the Gorakhnath temple, the high seat of the Nath monastic sect founded by Matsyendranath in the 10th century. The temple is a politically influential shrine.
The BJP matters less than the candidate in this constituency and the vote if for Yogi Adityanath, known as ‘Maharaj’ in local parlance.
Dwarika Tewari, the manager of the temple, says: “There is nothing I need to say as of now since it is election time. Wait till polling over. Yahan Maharaj ke siva koi nahin hai.”
Most voters in Gorakhpur are not even willing to think of an option or choice in elections.
“Jab Maharaj hain, to aur koi nahin,” says Ravindra Thakur, a local trader.
Yogi Adityanath, who represented Gorakhpur five times in Lok Sabha since 1998, has made sure that his constituency gets all attention in his regime as chief minister.
“Maharaj has turned Gorakhpur into Sefai (the native village of the Yadav clan). What more do we want?” says Parshuram Agarwal, a retired government employee.
Prominent among others in the fray is Subhawati Shukla who is the SP candidate.
Subhawati’s husband, late Upendra Dutt Shukla, was vice president of BJP and his rivalry with Yogi Adityanath is well known in the local circles.
When Shukla died in 2020, Yogi did not visit his home and this has upset his family.
Subhawati is using ‘Brahmin pride and identity’ in her campaign and hopes to cash in on the Brahmin -Thakur rivalry in the region.
Chandra Shekhar, head of Bhim Army and Azad Samaj Party, is another candidate in the fray.
Chandra Shekhar is focussing on Dalit atrocities in the BJP regime and is using his campaign to consolidate Dalits.
Political analysts are of opinion that Chandra Shekhar is shrewdly using the elections to find a foothold in Purvanchal politics and become known as a Dalit leader in the country.
The BSP has fielded Khwaja Shamsuddin who hopes to get Muslim votes while the Congress candidate is Chetna Pandey.
Despite being pitted against first timers, Yogi Adityanath is not taking his elections lightly. He has been regularly visiting his constituency, interacting with party workers and addressing meetings. He took out a road show on Monday evening that displayed his popularity in Gorakhpur.
The BJP candidate in Chillupar is Rajesh Tripathi, who had defeated Tiwari in 2007 and 2012 assembly elections…reports Asian Lite News
The legendary Thakur-Brahmin war in eastern Uttar Pradesh has come into full play in Chillupar assembly seat of Gorakhpur.
Chillupar is the stronghold of erstwhile mafia don and former minister Hari Shankar Tiwari.
Though Tiwari, 86, has retired from active politics, he has handed over the baton to his sons — Bhisham Shankar Tiwari, former MP, and Vinay Shankar Tiwari, a legislator.
Vinay Shankar Tiwari, who quit BSP to join SP, is now a candidate from Chillupar.
The hostility between the Tiwari family and Yogi Adityanath is an extension of the Thakur-Brahmin divide which widened further when, after coming to power, Yogi Adityanath’s police raided the home of Hari Shankar Tiwari, ostensibly to look for an accused in a theft case.
The incident intensified the caste war that has been strongly simmering in the region for the past five years.
Chief minister Yogi Adityanath on Sunday said in Chillupar, “In the five years of BJP rule, a new Uttar Pradesh has emerged, where there is no place for mafia and criminals.”
The reference was obviously to the Tiwari family.
He further said criminals running organised gangs were on the run and people in rural and urban areas of the state were living without any fear. He said that the mafia had sullied the image of Gorakhpur.
“Earlier, youths from Gorakhpur were not given jobs. The mafia misguided them and lured them into their gangs. The BJP government checked the trend by launching a drive against criminal gangs. The people of the region also busted the myth that mafia cannot be defeated in the elections,” he said.
The BJP candidate in Chillupar is Rajesh Tripathi, who had defeated Tiwari in 2007 and 2012 assembly elections.
Among Brahmins, the Tiwari family is the most respected in Purvanchal and local people claim that Brahmin candidates in the region continue to take the blessings of Hari Shankar Tiwari to win elections.
“Yogi Adityanath proudly claims to be a Thakur and represents the Thakur lobby in the region. This time, the elections have divided the two communities and their leaders are making no bones about supporting candidates from their communities,” says Rishu Singh, a local journalist.
Before the emergence of Yogi, it was gangster turned politician Virendra Pratap Shahi, who belonged to the Thakur community, who had challenged the might of Tiwari. Later, the two called for truce and Shahi was murdered in 1997.
After brutal murder of Shahi, the Thakur community members rallied behind young Yogi Adityanath, whom then was designated as successor to Mahant Avaidyanath.
Yogi Adityanath launched the ‘Hindu Yuva Vahini (HYV)’ to win support of the upper caste, backwards and Dalits and counter the muscle power of Tiwari and other political rivals.
In an exclusive conversation with Mohammad Suaib Khan, Azad Samaj Party chief Chandra Shekhar Aazad spoke on his reasons for contesting from the Gorakhpur Assembly constituency.
Azad Samaj Party President Chandra Shekhar Aazad is contesting against Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath from the Goarakhpur Assembly seat. Aazad is confident of his win and his party becoming the kingmaker.
In an exclusive conversation with IANS, Aazad spoke on several issues regarding the state Assembly elections, including his reasons for contesting from the Gorakhpur Assembly constituency. He claims that hundreds of people, including many BJP leaders have asked him to contest the elections as they are upset with the saffron party. Azad promises to pose a formidable political challenge to the BJP. Here are excerpts from the interview:
Q: What are your expectations while entering the political fray and how many seats are you sure of winning this time?
A: My expectations are democratic, even if a party has won only a single vote, it hopes that it will form the government. My party has been working hard for the last six years. My party has worked for the welfare of the marginalised and deprived sections of the society such as Dalits, backward castes, Muslims, etc. Our party has worked extensively on the issues concerning women, farmers and employment. The common man is angry with all other party leaders except ours as all these parties have been in power in the past. People are disappointed with all other parties as they are not getting employment while inflation across the country is at an all-time high.
My party is contesting in all 403 Assembly constituencies. Only time will tell which party has the people’s support. I don’t want to make tall claims and only believe in working hard. My party knows how to work on the ground, how to fight and has struggled a lot. Today incompetent people are running the country who neither know the constitution nor use parliamentary language. The ruling party only wants to deflect the people’s attention from development and other important issues by doing the politics of religious polarisation.
Q: You are contesting election from the Gorakhpur Assembly constituency, which is a stronghold of the BJP. Are you not committing suicide with such a political decision?
A: “If Gorakhpur is indeed a stronghold of the BJP, then how did it slip away from them during the UP bypolls when the BJP was in the government both in the state and at the Centre. If it is indeed BJP’s stronghold, why then have so many top leaders quit the party in the state? Each and every vote is important which decides who the people choose as an MLA. Yogi ji is also contesting elections for the first time as am I. The people of Uttar Pradesh gave Yogi Ji five years, yet Gorakhpur is in shambles.”
“Murders are frequently happening in Gorakhpur. Hundreds of children are dying due to Japanese Encephalitis while the BJP government is in power. As many as 122 people have been allegedly booked under the stringent National Security Act, 15 such cases have been registered in Gorakhpur alone. Today those party leaders who were supporting Yogi ji are contesting elections against him. There are many cases of corruption against the BJP government. The Election Commission urges other parties not to violate the model code of conduct but while filing their respective nomination, huge political banners have been put on display.”
“If the UP Chief Minister thinks that he will become a tall leader by misusing power, the public will decide soon. I hope that my party will receive people’s support and we will defeat the BJP government.”
Q: Will your party play the role of a kingmaker in the formation of government in Uttar Pradesh?
A: “Yes, my party will play a significant role in the formation of government in the state. Only democracy thrives in our country and arrogant as well as dictatorial regimes will not last long here. Congress was in power in the past for a long time, I have seen them being voted out of power.”
“The situation in Gorakhpur is extremely bad and it is such that when I came here, hundreds of people and several top BJP leaders told me that they want an opposition leader to give the BJP a tough political challenge. If someone challenges the BJP to fight them politically, then the ruling BJP uses the Enforcement Directorate and other central investigating agencies as tools to harass their political opponents. I am the only opposition leader who can politically fight the BJP. So the people will vote for my party and help us win the elections.”
“I belong to Uttar Pradesh and the people of Gorakhpur need me. The BJP government did not work despite the people giving it a chance to govern the state for the last five years, therefore now the people want me to contest elections.”
Q: If your party plays a decisive role in forming the government in the state, then with which party will you form an alliance?
A: “I will reiterate again that the BJP government has been given the chance to govern the state for five years. Now the people should give me a chance to become the state Chief Minister. One significant issue is the implementation of a caste census in the state, why is the BJP government staying silent over it? Samajwadi Party Chief Akhilesh Ji had said that his party stands firmly with leaders from the backward community, why is he not uttering a word on the 52 per cent reservation for the Other Backward Classes (OBCs). So why is the BJP or the SP not making promises on important issues if they want to form the government in the state. Q: Will you stake claim for the Chief Minister’s chair as the role of a kingmaker?
A: “Of course my party will, if we get a chance because only then will we able to do something for the people.”
Q: In Uttar Pradesh, you are a youth leader. Do national parties face a threat from your party in future. This is why they do not want you to stitch an alliance with your party in the ongoing state Assembly elections?
A: “I believe in doing hard work, I don’t know how long I will live. The identity of a person is known by his/her work. My father was a teacher and I come from a poor family.
I understand that during the last 70 years, if the poor continue to stay poor, then how have we changed as a country? If the government is giving free ration as the elections are near, then it is the responsibility of the government. The people choose a government so that their problems are addressed.
“People in Uttar Pradesh are still deprived of basic facilities, the condition of roads in Muzaffarnagar is quite bad. People have given every party a chance to be in power in the past, I am young and want to do politics of change.
I don’t want to do politics promoting family rule and corruption. If I am part of any government and injustice is done to any person, then I will not remain silent. My party will stand with the people who are in distress and demand accountability from the government in power which is what all other parties fear.” Q: BSP supremo Mayawati ji is not seen actively during the ongoing state elections, will the people see you as repacing her as a mass Dalit leader?
A: “The socialist ideology means working with certain principles, I do not work only for the Dalit community. Mayawati ji is much older than me and I respect her. Every party has their own political strategy. As elections are approaching, Akhilesh ji and other party leaders are coming forward to garner people’s votes. Leaders from various parties did not interact with people on the ground for the last five years when the people needed their support the most.
“Behenji (Mayawati) is making necessary efforts, since the past many times people have chosen to distance themselves from her. The people are doing so since they feel that leaders like Mayawati are present among the people only during the election season. People are disappointed with the BJP government and people are supporting my party as we work at the ground level. My party fights against any form of injustice and raises pertinent issues. I am contesting state elections for the first time. I have given tickets to more than 100 people from the backward community despite hailing from poor families.”
Elections in Uttar Pradesh will be held in seven phases and voting will take place on February 10, 14, 20, 23, 27, March 3 and 7. The results will be declared on March 10. The first phase of polling will start from districts of western Uttar Pradesh and gradually end with eastern Uttar Pradesh districts.
As many as 58 Assembly constituencies will go to polls during the first phase and 64 seats in the final and seventh phase.
The directions of the Supreme Court have apparently had no impact on the political parties in selection of candidates in Phase one of the Uttar Pradesh assembly elections…reports Asian Lite News
The Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) which has analysed the affidavits filed by 615 candidates out of the total 623 for the first phase of polls in Uttar Pradesh, has found that almost all parties have fielded candidates with a criminal background.
Among the major parties, 21 out of 28 candidates analysed from Samajwadi Party, 17 out of 29 candidates from Rashtriya Lok Dal, 29 out of 57 candidates from BJP, 21 out of 58 candidates from Congress, 19 out of 56 candidates from BSP and 8 out of 52 candidates from AAP, have declared criminal cases against themselves in their affidavits.
There are 12 candidates with declared cases related to crime against women. Out of 12 candidates, one candidate has declared cases related to rape (IPC Section-376).
Those having serious criminal cases against them include 17 from SP, 15 from RLD, 22 from BJP, 11 from Congress, 16 from BSP and five from AAP.
The directions of the Supreme Court have apparently had no impact on the political parties in selection of candidates in Phase one of the Uttar Pradesh assembly elections.
Releasing the report, ADR said that all major parties contesting in the first phase of elections have given tickets to 15 per cent to 75 per cent candidates who have declared criminal cases against themselves.
The Supreme Court in its directions dated February 13, 2020 had specifically instructed political parties to give reasons for such selection and why other individuals without criminal antecedents could not be selected as candidates. As per these mandatory guidelines, the reasons for such selection have to be with reference to qualifications, achievements and merit of the candidate concerned.
During the recent state assembly elections held in 2020-21, it was observed that political parties gave unfounded and baseless reasons like popularity of the person, good social work, cases are politically motivated etc. These are not sound and cogent reasons for fielding candidates with tainted backgrounds.
Taking a note of the soft corner among the Jats for RLD leader Jayant Chaudhary, Shah said, “Jayant has chosen the wrong house this time.”…reports Asian Lite News
In a bid to woo voters from the Jat community ahead of the Assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh, Union Home Minister Amit Shah on Wednesday met Jat leaders and said that his relationship with the community goes back a long time.
Shah interacted with over 200 leaders from the Jat community in the national capital.
He said that both the BJP and the Jat community have similar views on important issues.
Describing Samajwadi Party leader Akhilesh Yadav as an outsider, Shah asked the Jat leaders “why do you bring outsiders in a fight within the house?”
Taking a note of the soft corner among the Jats for RLD leader Jayant Chaudhary, Shah said, “Jayant has chosen the wrong house this time.”
Expressing gratitude to the Jat voters for always supporting the BJP, the Home Minister claimed that no one, except Prime Minister Narendra Modi, gave respect to farmer leader Mahendra Singh Tikait.
During the meeting, issues related to the situation in western Uttar Pradesh before 2017, Muzaffarnagar riots during the Akhilesh Yadav-led Samajwadi Party government, the grand Ram Temple being built in Ayodhya during the Modi-Yogi government and Jat reservation were also discussed.
Talking to the media after the meeting, Union minister and Lok Sabha MP from Muzaffarnagar, Sanjeev Balyan, said that the Jat community has always supported the BJP.
Some people also raised the issue of Jat reservation, to which the Home Minister said that it is also in his mind.
Balyan also claimed that no one in western Uttar Pradesh wants Akhilesh Yadav to be the next Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh.
He said in the second and third phase they will open the price for the Congress and the AAP. In the first phase they have not given any option for these two parties…reports Atul Krishan
Ahead of the first phase of polling in Uttar Pradesh the Hapur market has predicted the return of the BJP to power — the first time since the last 21 years as no government could return to power. The satta bazaar which operates very secretively has betted on the BJP. The prediction is that after early losses the BJP will emerge as the winner with an absolute majority.
The bookies who run the satta bazaar are giving 230 seats to the BJP in the UP Assembly elections in their early trends. They are also taking the help of various professionals to run the satta bazaar and to keep themselves safe from the clutches of the police.
They are buying paid service, betting only with trusted customers and relying on professionals to run their racket.
They told that as of now they were looking at the BJP as the strong player in the elections, the Samajwadi Party was their second choice to which they were giving 130 seats. The Congress and the Aam Aadmi Party were not given any seats as of now in the first phase of the elections. They told that after the first phase of election the trend might change but it would not be a major change. As per their trend the BJP is getting fewer seats than in the previous elections but also becoming a major party.
“We are offering 1000 for 1000 as of now for BJP. After the first phase of elections, this might change into 1000 to 5000 or 10,000 depending on the current trends,” said the bookie.
He said in the second and third phase they will open the price for the Congress and the AAP. In the first phase they have not given any option for these two parties.
“After each phase the situation will change. We will be able to comment on the Congress after the third phase. This phase will give us an idea about how many seats the Congress is going to bag. The seats of the BSP will also be decided in the third phase. The fourth phase will make it clear to us whether the AAP is going to affect the elections or not. The rest of the phases of the elections will only swing the betting price,” said the bookie.
The satta bazaar is saying that the BJP will suffer a loss of 60 to 70 seats but as of now the saffron party was a strong candidate. That the Samajwadi Party will be able to bag more than 130 seats or not will be clear in the fourth phase of the elections.
Fearing polarisation on religious line, most political parties are also not talking about the Muslim factor, and the Muslims, themselves, prefer to remain low-key because they are aware that any ‘appeasement’ issue may actually prove detrimental to their interest, writes Amita Verma
Their silence, this time, is deafening and even unnerving. Muslim voters in Uttar Pradesh remain tight-lipped even as the political cauldron boils over with vote bank politics.
Talk to any Muslim on the street and the reply about the political prospects is non-committal and even ambiguous.
Fearing polarisation on religious line, most political parties are also not talking about the Muslim factor, and the Muslims, themselves, prefer to remain low-key because they are aware that any ‘appeasement’ issue may actually prove detrimental to their interest.
When Yogi Adityanath took over the reins of power in Uttar Pradesh in 2017, he ruptured the perception that Muslims could make or mar a government in the state. He chose a broader Hindu mobilisation to relegate Muslims to the wings.
He pursued policies that did not serve Muslims, including a ban on cow slaughter and curbs on use of loudspeakers for ‘azaan’, to name a few.
The ban on triple talaq has angered the men who feel it is an intrusion into Sharia laws. The women, though happy, feel that the law has not served its purpose.
“How can we take on men on this issue without having financial independence. If we are dependent on the family for ourselves and our children, we cannot go against them,” said Shaheen, a young graduate.
‘Attacks’ on Muslims on issues like transporting meat increased, anti-CAA protests and the law on love jihad opened a gateway for ‘harassment’ of Muslim youth (in inter-faith relationships).
In short, Yogi Adityanath put the 20 per cent Muslims on the ‘defensive’ and proved that power could be attained and retained without the minority community.
His recent remark on “80 per cent versus 20 per cent” proves this.
“Muslims have been made to feel like second class citizens in the Yogi regime. He has branded the entire community under one label-anti-national-and it is this that hurts us. We have never opposed if anyone is punished for doing wrong but you cannot term the entire community as a wrong doer. In the past five years, everyone seems to have turned into right-wing police and all you need to bash up Muslims without getting booked is a saffron ‘gamcha’,” said a senior faculty member from the Shia Degree College in Lucknow.
The huge following that Yogi Adityanath has built up among Hindus, cutting across caste lines, has also made non-BJP parties cautious on the Muslim issue.
“We know that the BJP is waiting for us to utter a word on Muslims and they will then go all out to polarise the election on religious lines,” said a Congress spokesman.
According to sources, parties, this time, will not take the risk of fielding too many Muslims for this reason.
Muslims’ representation in Uttar Pradesh has historically fluctuated. The rise of socialist parties in the 1970s and 1980s and the decline of the Congress saw the first post-Independence rise in Muslims’ representation in the Vidhan Sabha, from 6.6 per cent in 1967 to 12 per cent in 1985.
The first rise of the BJP in the state in the late 1980s brought this percentage down to 5.5 per cent in 1991.
The overall participation of Muslims in elections as candidates also decreased over the same period.
The second phase of growth in representation started after 1991 and culminated in 2012, when Muslim candidates won 17 per cent of the assembly seats, achieving near-demographic proportion for the first time. The carving of Uttarakhand in 2000 also contributed to raising the percentage of Muslim’s representation in Uttar Pradesh.
The BJP’s emphatic victory in 2017 reversed this trend back to the 1991 level — 23 Muslims were elected, against 68 in the previous polls.
This reflects the marginalisation of the community in policy-making.
“It’s not only about numbers, the slide in the community’s representation also means almost no role for it in policy-making, which does not augur well for almost one-fifth of the state’s population,” said Maulana Khalid Rashid Firangi Mahali, member, All India Muslim Personal Law Board.
As the election process begins, Muslims in Uttar Pradesh do not want to make any ‘mistake’ that will lead to a division in their votes.
How the community will ensure that their votes are not divided, appears unclear to them also at this stage.
“Defeating the BJP is a major factor though other factors also matter such as the candidate, the party, village-level dynamics and local rivalries,” said a senior cleric of Darul Uloom Deoband, adding that “had all Muslims voted for one strong party, the BJP would not have come to power in 2017”.
“The Yogi government has targeted Muslims like never before. From Azam Khan to Mukhtar Ansari, the government shown unmatched zeal in bringing them down. Others with similar offences were not even touched with a barge pole in this regime,” said a Muslim MLA who requested anonymity.
Mohd Azam Khan may have been an unpopular figure due to his brusque behaviour but the 86 plus cases slapped on him by the Yogi government and the two years he has spent in jail, have ensured sympathy for him in his community.
Similarly, the action taken against mafia don and politician Mukhtar Ansari, who has a Robinhood image in the community, has also upset Muslims.
“In these five years, the government has repeatedly flashed images of his properties being bulldozed. If he had illegally acquired his properties, the government should have waited for the court to decide. The government has worked as illegally as, perhaps, Mukhtar did. He is a five term MLA – having won three elections from behind the bars,” said Abdul Ikhlaq, a high court lawyer.
The Muslim community has been banking on tactical voting. Most political observers believe the community will wait till the last moment before voting for the strongest candidate to defeat the BJP. Tactical voting could become even more pronounced in this election.
The presence of Asaddudin Owaisi’s AIMIM in the Assembly elections, however, does not seem to be a major factor in swaying Muslim votes since the majority in the minority feels that Owaisi is not in a position to challenge the BJP yet.
There are 143 seats in Uttar Pradesh, where there is an impact of Muslim voters.
There are about 70 seats where the Muslim population is between 20 to 30 per cent and 43 seats where the Muslim population is more than 30 per cent.
There are 36 seats in UP where Muslim candidates can win on their own whereas there are 107 assembly seats where Muslim voters can decide victory or defeat.
Rampur, Farrukhabad and Bijnor are the areas where Muslim population is around 40 per cent. Apart from this, there are many such seats in western Uttar Pradesh, Rohilkhand and eastern Uttar Pradesh, where Muslim votes influence the election results.
At the same time, there are nine such seats in western Uttar Pradesh, where Muslim voters decide the fate of candidates by votes. In these nine seats, the number of Muslim voters is about 55 per cent.
These nine seats include Meerut Sadar, Rampur Sadar, Sambhal, Moradabad Rural and Kundarki, Amroha Nagar, Dhaulana, Behat of Saharanpur and Saharanpur Dehat.
Rampur has the highest 50.57 per cent Muslim population.
The Akhilesh Yadav-led Samajwadi Party won nearly half of the 57 Muslim-dominated seats in Uttar Pradesh during the 2012 Assembly elections.
In 2017, the BJP put up a dominating performance in constituencies with a sizeable Muslim population and clinched as many as 37 of these seats.
The Samajwadi Party’s share came down to just 17 while the Mayawati-led Bahujan Samaj Party failed to retain even a single seat in 2017.
Maurya, who hails from the other backward class (OBC) community, had crossed over to the BJP from the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) before the 2017 assembly polls…reports Asian Lite News
In a jolt to the BJP in poll-bound Uttar Pradesh on Tuesday, OBC leader Swami Prasad Maurya resigned from the state cabinet while three other MLAs announced they are quitting the party.
Maurya, who is expected to join the Samajwadi Party (SP), said he resigning from the Yogi Adityanath cabinet due to “gross neglect” towards Dalits, backwards, farmers, unemployed youth and small traders.
BJP Tindwari MLA Brajesh Prajapati, Tilhar MLA Roshan Lal Varma and Bilhaur MLA Bhagwati Sagar have announced they are leaving the party in support of Maurya.
There was no immediate word on the resignations being accepted.
On Twitter, Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya urged the leader to reconsider his move.
“I don’t know for what reasons respected Swami Prasad Maurya has tendered his resignation. I appeal to him to sit down for a talk. Decisions taken in a hurry often prove wrong,” he said in a tweet in Hindi.
The SP tweeted a photograph of Swami Prasad Maurya and Varma with party chief Akhilesh Yadav, and said in Hindi, “Welcome to the Samajwadi Party. There will be a social justice revolution. There will be a change in 2022.”
भाजपा मुख्यालय पर मा0प्रदेशाध्यक्ष श्री @swatantrabjp जी व मा0 #DYCM श्री दिनेश शर्मा जी के साथ कांग्रेस विधायक श्री नरेश सैनी जी,सपा विधायक श्री हरिओम यादव जी तथा पूर्व सपा विधायक श्री धर्मपाल सिंह जी को पार्टी की सदस्यता ग्रहण करवायी सभी का भाजपा परिवार में स्वागत व अभिनंदन है। pic.twitter.com/jGq8i3T3dw
In his resignation letter addressed to Uttar Pradesh Governor Anandiben Patel, Maurya said, “I discharged my responsibilities as the minister for labour, employment, and coordination in the council of ministers headed by Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, despite adverse circumstances and ideology.”
“Due to the attitude of gross neglect towards Dalits, backwards, farmers, unemployed youth and small and medium-sized traders, I am resigning from the Yogi ministry of Uttar Pradesh,” he said in a tweet in Hindi.
Maurya, who hails from the other backward class (OBC) community, had crossed over to the BJP from the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) before the 2017 assembly polls.
He is a five-time MLA from Padrauna, while his daughter Sanghmitra Maurya is a BJP MP and represents Badaun in the Lok Sabha.
In a tweet, Yadav said, “This time all the oppressed, downtrodden, neglected will unite against the BJP’s insulting and divisive politics.
“There will be a revolution of SP’s politics of giving respect to all. In 2022, with everyone meeting each other, there will be positive politics of ‘mela hobe’. There will be a historic defeat of the BJP,” he said.
The setback to the ruling party came on a day when a key BJP meeting to discuss the Uttar Pradesh assembly polls, now just a month away, was taking place in Delhi.
Union Home Minister Amit Shah, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Adityanath and Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya attended the meeting, as the party begins shortlisting its candidates.
The Uttar Pradesh polls will be held in seven phases — on February 10, 14, 20, 23, 27, March 3 and 7. The results will be declared on March 10 along with the four other poll-bound states of Punjab, Uttarakhand, Goa and Manipur.
Speaking to reporters here, Swami Prasad Maurya said, “I am a political person and I will be talking to some political party or the other. With whom I will talk, it will be done after consulting supporters.”
Asked when was the first time felt he felt angry with the government, he said, “As soon as I felt angry, I tendered my resignation. I was upset with anti-Dalit, anti-backwards, anti-farmers, anti-youth attitude (of the BJP government). I always spoke at the relevant forum be it the government or the party leadership. I was heard, but it led to nothing.”
Maurya’s departure from the BJP is likely to damage the party’s prospects in at least 20 seats spread across Kushinagar, Pratapgarh, Kanpur Dehat, Banda and Shahjahanpur.
BJP Tilhar MLA Varma, who had reached the Raj Bhavan here with the hard copy of Maurya’s resignation, said, “I have resigned from the BJP, and I will be with Swami Prasad Maurya. When we used to raise the grievances of the people, we were not heard.”
“We had complained to the chief minister and also to (the state BJP chief) Swatantra Dev Singh. But nothing happened. I will be joining the SP in the next couple of days,” he said while speaking to PTI.
Varma said better than him, people know the reasons behind he leaving the BJP.
“There has been an increase in unemployment and the backward and most backward classes people have been ignored. We flagged their issues, but no one heard us. Only a handful of officials run this government. Cabinet Minister Suresh Khanna in Shahjahanpur had put hurdles in various works including development,” he said.
This time, the SP is going to form a majority government in Uttar Pradesh, works of public interest will be done and respect will be given to everyone, Varma asserted.
Speaking to reporters at Maurya’s residence, Sagar said he is with Swami Prasad Maurya.
“We will decide our future course of action and go where ever our interest is redressed and we get justice,” he said.
When asked why he has taken the decision now when the assembly polls have been declared, Sagar said, “We were struggling for the past over four years. It is not the matter of getting party tickets for contesting polls, the decision is taken in the interest of our community.”
BJP MLA from Tindwari, Prajapati, has sent a letter regarding his leaving the party to the state party president.
Meanwhile, another Uttar Pradesh Minister Dharam Singh Saini denied quitting the cabinet and the BJP.
“Swami Prasad Maurya ji remains an elder brother to me. I am hearing on TV channels that he has given my name among those joining the SP with him. There is no talk with him on this…I deny quitting the cabinet and the BJP,” Saini, who is minister of state (independent charge) for Ayush, Food Security and Drug Administration, said in a video message.
Dalits in Uttar Pradesh are an influential caste group Their population is around 21.6 per cent, which includes 66 Dalit sub castes. Seventeen of the 80 Lok Sabha seats in UP are reserved for Scheduled Castes…reports Amita Verma
It was the Bahujan Samaj Party that brought them together and it is, again, the BSP that is slowly driving them away.
The parry itself is imploding.
After nearly two decades, Uttar Pradesh is likely to witness a fragmentation of Dalit votes that is bound to weaken the political base of the BSP.
With the announcement of election dates, Mayawati becomes the only leader who will guide her voters into election without addressing them even once.
The rallies addressed by BSP MP Satish Chandra Mishra have been aimed at bringing Brahmins into the BSP, rather than in keeping the Dalits together.
Dalits in Uttar Pradesh are an influential caste group Their population is around 21.6 per cent, which includes 66 Dalit sub castes. Seventeen of the 80 Lok Sabha seats in UP are reserved for Scheduled Castes.
Of these, the BJP won 14 in the 2019 general election, including the Hathras seat. The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) won two and the Apna Dal one seat.
This proves that on its own, the BSP cannot get elected unless it has the support of other caste groups.
Since 1993, when late Kanshi Ram formed an alliance with Mulayam Singh Yadav’s Samajwadi Party and formed the first BSP government in a coalition, Dalits have been voting en bloc for BSP.
It was Mayawati who led the BSP to its first government with a majority in 2007 and in 2022, it is Mayawati’s unexplained inertia that had led to the dismantling of her own party and also her vote base.
Since 2012, whether BSP’s vote power has been in the decline and its oft-tested Dalit-Muslim card is no longer in play.
“It is only the Jatav community that remains loyal to the BSP while other sub-castes are searching for greener pastures. Dalits, in general, are disillusioned with Mayawati’s leadership since the BJP came to power in UP. Her statements are erratic and leave her voters confused about her relationship with the BJP. This political inconsistency that made Muslims think twice about supporting BSP. Dalit Muslims and Dalit, to a considerable extent, are shifting to the Samajwadi Party who seems better positioned to defat the ruling BJP,” said Israr Ahmad, a former BSP leader.
Muslims have also been upset after Mayawati came on to a stage at her party office last year, carrying a ‘trishul’ while a bunch of supporters chanting ‘Jai Shri Ram’.
“This was the last thing we expected from the BSP president. If this is the new party posture, we might as well join the BJP,” said a former Muslim MLA of the party.
She is someone who has had the maximum experience in leading UP, but four-time chief minister Mayawati’s absence amid the ongoing political blitzkrieg and a relatively low-key campaign by BSP has left political pundits puzzled. #UttarPradeshElections2022https://t.co/LAThgffXHV
Mayawati has sacked leaders with a vengeance and the exodus of veterans like Sukhdev Rajbhar, Lalji Varma and Ram Achal Rajbhar has ensured that these leaders have taken Dalits away from the BSP in their respective areas of influence.
The BSP now lacks the presence of a senior Dalit leader and the party which had won 19 seats in 2017, is now left with just three MLAs.
Satish Chandra Mishra, the second tallest leader of the party, is the new face of the BSP, along with his wife and son, who have been addressing Brahmins.
The BSP leaders in Rajya Sabha, Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha now belong to upper castes.
Dalits, naturally, are wondering if this is the same party that swore its allegiance to Dalits.
A major factor, meanwhile, that is all set to divide Dalit votes, especially in west UP, is the emergence of the Bhim Army chief Chandra Shekhar.
Chandra Shekhar became a known face in the state after the Dalit-Thakur clash in Saharanpur in May 2017.
He has been relentlessly working at the grassroots level among Dalits – holding classes to educate Dalit children and protecting the welfare of his community members.
He has been visiting various areas where atrocities on Dalits have been reported and now enjoys a sizeable following among Dalit youth.
“We need a leader who responds and is accessible. Mayawati remains locked in her ivory tower and even during the Hathras incident, she did not step out. Chandra Shekhar is becoming increasingly acceptable because the BSP is losing its core ideology,” said Raj Narain Gautam, a young student who now works for Bhim Army.
Even as Mayawati’s presence recedes from the state’s political horizon, Samajwadi Party president Akhilesh Yadav has been quick to step into the vacant space.
Akhilesh has formed the Baba Saheb Vahini and celebrated Dalit Diwali on Ambedkar’s birth anniversary. He has opened his door for leaders expelled from BSP and is ardently wooing non-Jatav Dalit leaders from various sub castes.
The SP is trying to extend its social alliance to add Dalits and Most Backward Castes in UP by forming alliances with smaller caste-based parties and organising caste and community conferences.
It would not be surprising if the SP finally eats into BSP’s vote base and get a slice of Dalit votes in these elections.
The BJP, on its part, has also worked on its Dalit outreach and even used the Buddhist circuit to appease Dalits. The party is focusing on castes like Pasi, Kori and Dhobi and if the party ensure representation of these sub castes in ticket distribution, it could grab a chunk of Dalit votes.
The Congress that seems to be making a renewed bid for power in Uttar Pradesh after three decades of exile, is also focussing on Dalits.
The Gandhis have rushed to areas where atrocities against Dalits have been reported.
Rahul and Priyanka were among the first to rush to Hathras, following the rape and murder of a Dalit girl in September 2020.
Priyanka also went to the home of Arun Valmiki, a Dalit who died in police custody, and even sent financial assistance to the family.
Priyanka, interestingly, has endeared herself to Dalit women.
“Look at her, she happily embraces us without grimacing. Have you ever seen a photograph of Mayawati embracing a Dalit woman?” asks Preeti Valmiki, now an applicant for a Congress ticket.
Elections to five states Assemblies — Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Gao, Punjab and Manipur — would be held from February 10 to March 7, and the counting of votes will take place on March 10, reports Asian Lite News
Spanned over seven phases, the elections to five states Assemblies — Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Gao, Punjab and Manipur — would be held from February 10 to March 7, and the counting of votes will take place on March 10, the Election Commission of India announced on Saturday.
Uttar Pradesh will go to polls on February 10, 14, 20, 23 and March 3 and 7; Punjab, Goa and Uttarakhand would vote on February 14; while Manipur will vote in two phases on February 27 and March 3, said Chief Election Commissioner Sushil Chandra.
The elections would be held following full Covid protocols.
Up to January 15, no physical rallies roadshows, padyatras, or vehicle rallies will be allowed keeping in view the pandemic situation. All parties have been advised to conduct campaigns in virtual mode.
Invoking Article 171 (1), Chandra said that the AAssembly’stenure has to end in five years and, therefore, elections are necessary.
As per the Covid protocols for conducting elections, all elections officials will be double vaccinated, will be given a booster dose, and will also be treated as frontline workers. Booths would be fully sanitised and there will be adequate gloves, sanitizers, etc for the polling staff.
More than 15 crore people in the five poll-bound states have received the first dose of the vaccine, while nine crore people have received both shots.
Polling time has been increased by one hour in all the states.
The final electoral rolls were published on January 5. There are a total of 18.34 crore voters, including service voters. Of these, 8.55 crore are women. The EC has made an effort to increase the number of voters and as a result, all states have seen an increase, with the maximum voter increase in Uttar Pradesh.
There are a total of 24.5 lakh first-time electors and 30.47 lakh senior citizens. The EC has capped the number of voters per booth to 1,250, resulting in an increase in the number of polling stations to 30,334 as the average number of voters per polling booth has decreased.
At least one booth in each Assembly constituency will be managed exclusively by women, Chandra said.
“It will now be mandatory to publish criminal records of candidates a minimum three times in local newspapers and television channels. Even the parties are expected to do so with their candidates,” he said.
Earlier, Chandra said that the Commission has set out three goals for these elections: Covid-free elections, hassle-free voting experience and maximum participation by voters.
The preparations have been going on for at least six months with EC teams visiting poll-bound states.
Model Code of Conduct kicks in
With the announcement of the seven-phase polling for assembly elections for five states on Saturday, the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) has come into force with immediate effect.
The Model Code of Conduct for political parties and candidates will be in force till the completion of the election in the states scheduled to go for polls — Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Uttarakhand, Manipur and Goa.
The Election Commission’s letter to the Chief Secretaries of the states concerned drew attention to the particular provisions of the MCC relating to the ‘party in power’ which says that the party in power shall ensure that no cause is given for any complaint that it has used its official position for the purpose of its election campaign. “In particular, the Ministers shall not combine their official visit with electioneering work and also shall not make use of official machinery or personnel during the electioneering work,” it said.
The restrictions also include use of government transport, including the aircraft, for furtherance of the interest of the party in power.
Lucknow Municipal Corporation starts removing hoardings installed by political parties as Model Code of Conduct (MCC) comes in effect with announcement of Assembly election dates. pic.twitter.com/MEgE07HObp
The EC letter also drew attention towards the provisions of use of public places, such as parks, maidans etc. and also about who can use the Rest Houses, Dak Bungalows etc.
“The issue of advertisement at the cost of public exchequer in the newspapers and other media and the misuse of official mass media during the election period for partisan coverage of political news and publicity gathering achievements with a view to furthering the prospects of the party in power shall be scrupulously avoided,” it said.
No ministers or other authorities are allowed to sanction any grants/payments out of the discretionary funds from the time elections are announced nor can they lay foundation stone etc. or make any promises for providing any kind of civil facilities.
With announcement of polling schedule, Model Code of Conduct has come into force & our teams have started removing political hoardings. 18 polling stations are added in Goa. A campaign to verify content on social media has also been launched: Goa Chief Electoral Officer, Kunal pic.twitter.com/YwbjWUETO7
The Commission also reminded the top state babu about the complete ban on transfer of officials, and in case utmost necessary, to do so with prior permission of the Commission.
The assembly elections for five states – Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Uttarakhand, Goa and Manipur – would be held in seven phases. Uttar Pradesh would have voting on February 10, 14, 20, 23 and March 3 & 7; Punjab, Goa and Uttarakhand would have polling on February 14 while Manipur will have voting in two phases, February 27, and March 3.
